Politics
Moldova-Ukraine relations, interview with Andrei Popov
Reading Time: 6 minutes Interview with Andrei Popov, Deputy Foreign Minister (translation from the original text in Romanian). Excerpt from a radio broadcast of the Vocea Basarabiei radio station (December 6, 2009), produced by the Foreign Policy Association (APE) in collaboration with Imedia News and Analysis Agency and with the assistance of the German Foundation Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES).
Interview with Andrei Popov, Deputy Foreign Minister (translation from the original text in Romanian). Excerpt from a radio broadcast of the Vocea Basarabiei radio station (December 6, 2009), produced by the Foreign Policy Association (APE) in collaboration with Imedia News and Analysis Agency and with the assistance of the German Foundation Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES).
Relations between Republic of Moldova and Ukraine: the view of Moldovan diplomacy.
Corneliu RUSNAC: Recently you visited Ukraine, where you met with your colleagues from Kyiv. What was discussed at this meeting that, actually, took place after a considerable pause?
VISIT TO KIEV
Andrei Popov: Yes, indeed, a week ago we held bilateral consultations in Kiev with the Ukrainian part, first on the level of experts, then we had a full round of consultation with my counterpart, the Ukrainian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Constantin Eliseev. In these talks we discussed the whole spectrum of cooperation issues between Moldova and Ukraine and tried to feel the ground in order to identify mutually acceptable and advantageous compromise formulas to provide policy makers from the two states concrete solutions to remove the deadlock in Moldova-Ukraine relations, which have been practically overshadowed for almost a decade by several unresolved "nodes", especially related to regulation of property relations and completion of border demarcation process.
There were very complex consultations in which we addressed the unresolved issues point by point and I think we made an important step towards identifying some compromise solutions. It will take some time to shape the compromise proposals. But I think it is important to tell our listeners that there are converging strategic interests between our countries – I also mean here promoting the common goal of European integration and the need to join efforts to solve the Transnistrian conflict and the interests of Moldova to cooperate with Ukraine in order to ensure our energy security. This coincidence of interests and objectives should have drawn us nearer and should have created natural prerequisites for building a genuine strategic partnership between Moldova and Ukraine. But in reality we are rather far away from having a relationship of trust and openness up to this time. Paradoxically, although Moldova has only two neighbors – Romania and Ukraine – we have not managed to establish real partnership relations, a strategic partnership with any of them. Instead of focusing on major issues, attracting investments, promoting common interests, coordinating our agendas of European integration, increasing the constructive involvement of Ukraine in the Transnistrian settlement efforts, we got stuck all these years in some issues that are not necessarily small, as I was incorrectly quoted once, but on issues that, when balancing them all out and considering what Republic of Moldova and Ukraine have to lose, if they are not able to focus on big issues, once can see that there is a tremendous opportunity cost for Republic of Moldova and the outside perception is that Moldova, however, there is something happens to this state, if after so many years, so many governments that have succeeded each other failed to find a "modus vivendi" to move away from post-Soviet and focus on building modern relations.
We must break the vicious circle of "lose-lose" judgment, get out of the trenches, and on behalf of major interests that should unite us, build relationships based on the "win-win" paradigm. Change of government in Chisinau, the adoption of pragmatic approaches in relations with neighbors and with external partners, undertaking a dynamic and predictable foreign policy course, in my opinion create encouraging prerequisites for capitalizing together on this window of opportunity and improving relations between Moldova and Ukraine.
Cornelius RUSNAC: But what are currently the thorniest issues in relations between Moldova and Ukraine? Let’s take them one by one, to begin with demarcation.
THORNY PROBLEMS IN RELATIONS BETWEEN MOLDOVA AND UKRAINE
Andrei Popov: Moldovan-Ukrainian border is a relatively long one – 1222 kilometers. It is divided into three sectors. From north-west, from Criva in Briceni district along the Prut river, it goes 300 kilometers to the east, after which 450 kilometers is the center, the Transnistrian sector, and descends down from Palanca to Giurgiulesti where there are another 470 kilometers.
In the Soviet period, it was a rather conventional border. It was an internal administrative border; it was not marked with any border signs. After 1991 we had to jointly write down the line of this administrative border on the maps- basically to build a new border line, as it should be between two independent states. This process is called delimitation. And this process was not an easy one, lasting for years, since 1995, when the delimitation commission was set up, until 1999, when, as the result of several compromises, the State Border Treaty was signed and was ratified by Parliament in 2001.
Once ratified, the Border Treaty has become a fundamental interstate document, which, moreover, under international law, can not be unilaterally canceled. This is a reality. And all the commitments that we have made under this Treaty are the commitments of the Republic of Moldova, thus are not related to who governs in Chisinau, which alliance or political party colors.
Since 2002 we went to the second phase, namely –demarcation of the border, involving the transfer on the ground and marking of the field line agreed on maps. Border posts were being installed.
Today, the demarcation of the north has been practically completed, except for the hydro station and dam on the river Nistru at Novodnestrovsk or Dnestrovsc, Ocniţa district, Naslavcea. Also in the southern sector demarcation has been almost entirely completed, except for several points still not yet agreed upon, remaining portion of 470 km has been demarcated. But among the most sensitive areas are a remaining portion of a few hundred meters of state border at Giurgiulesti still not demarcated and the crossing point at Palanca. There we have to find compromise solutions and complete the demarcation process, so that – very important – Republic of Moldova should have the confirmation, including by the means of border posts, of its 430 meters access to the Danube stipulated in the Treaty and which is essential for the proper functioning of the port and terminal in Giurgiulesti.
Similarly, we have a problem in Palanca – there is a needed to complete the demarcation process, but also to deliver on the Republic of Moldova’s commitment to transfer into the property of Ukraine not only the asphalt but also the land area of 7.7 kilometers of road (which is a portion of the 300 km road between Odessa and Reni), and also to clarify the situation with the land, which under the Treaty of 2001, should be transferred into the property of Ukraine. Moreover, attention – even those who are trying today to politicize this issue and making all sorts of speculation have already passed the road surface and land pertain to the road into the property of Ukraine in February 2002. Thus, the surface was transferred, yet without transferring also the land from under the road. It may be a more complicated problem to be understood.
But what is important to note is that the issue is being examined in a serious and responsible manner, so as to ensure that the transfer of land into the ownership of Ukraine, which has to be finally undertaken by Moldova in accordance with the border Treaty, does not affect people’s lives in Palanca, so that they are able to cross the road in certain equipped places and to cultivate their land that is beyond the road. We are talking about setting pedestrian crossings, some traffic lights, and underground passages. I wonder why this was not done before. We have already initiated contacts in this respect between the respective agencies of the two countries. We consult with citizens of Palanca village. I cannot exclude that we may need to agree on amendments to the intergovernmental agreement on the rules for using the road, so that citizens’ interests are fully protected. But as a European state, we must respect our obligations, and that, after solving all the problems to which I referred, we will have to submit the Act of land ownership under this road to Ukraine.
Corneliu RUSNAC: How are things in the third sector of the border, the Transnistrian sector? Did you agree with the Ukrainian side that would start the demarcation process of this segment also?
Andrei Popov: Indeed, we have agreed in principle that it is time to find a practical solution, including the involvement of representatives of the Transnistrian region, particularly representatives of public land registry, in the process of demarcation and, secondly, to involve the Assistance Mission at the Moldovan-Ukrainian border EUBAM in the process of demarcation in the field, so that this process can be conducted in accordance with European standards on the matter and this was also one of the topics under the discussions held in Kiev.
We arrived in Kiev by car, thus we traveled from Platonovo checkpoint towards the modern Odessa-Kiev highway, the point of connection Liuboşevka, those were 90 km of an inconceivable road, from the nineteenth century, full of holes and no street lights … I will say one thing: for the last years, but particularly during the last decade, not only because of the unsolved Transnistrian conflict, but also because of the inability of the two capital cities – Kiev and Chisinau – to focus on construction, on investment project, we found ourselves in a situation where major highways bypass the Republic of Moldova, instead of Republic of Moldova becoming indeed a transit state, to connect Ukraine with Romania, the East with the West.
Although the flow of goods between Ukraine and Romania is still growing, but the flow starts to go around Republic of Moldova, through the north and through the south, especially after the modern Odessa-Kiev highway was put into service and after they have begun to build some modern roads in the area of Carpathian Mountains – Chernivtsi region, Vinnitsa, where links are made with Romanian Moldova, Republic of Moldova is likely to become a white spot and be susceptible to a by-pass in terms of large flows. And it is very easy to lose the status of transit country and very difficult to regain it. […]
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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