Politics
2009 in review: Requiem for the revolutions
Reading Time: 6 minutes In 1989, seven months before the Berlin Wall came down amid jubilant celebrations across Europe, Ghia Marghulia joined thousands in the center of the Georgian capital to protest Soviet rule.
By Brian Whitmore
In 1989, seven months before the Berlin Wall came down amid jubilant celebrations across Europe, Ghia Marghulia joined thousands in the center of the Georgian capital to protest Soviet rule.
Now the director of a Tbilisi public school, Marghulia sits in his office and recalls the tense and heady atmosphere two decades ago when, in the midst of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika-era reforms, Georgians contemplated the unthinkable — breaking free from Moscow’s grip and winning their independence.
"We had already swallowed some freedom and it was not possible to go back to the old limits," Marghulia says. "We began to talk about how Georgia needed to be a free country."
But the Kremlin had other ideas. In the small hours of the morning on April 9, after days of demonstrations, Soviet troops moved in to surround the demonstrators, and attacked them with military batons and spades. Nineteen Georgians were killed, including a 16-year-old girl.
Tbilisi’s bloody 1989 spring was followed by an autumn of change in Eastern Europe, when peaceful protests in places like Prague and East Berlin — and more violent clashes in Romania — toppled Soviet satellite regimes across Eastern Europe, brought down the Iron Curtain, and ended the Cold War.
As the world marked the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Iron Curtain this year, the different fates of the countries of the 1989 revolutions came sharply into focus. Former Soviet vassal states like Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia are free, stable, and prosperous democracies safely nestled in NATO and the European Union.
But countries like Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova, which won their independence following the 1991 Soviet collapse, have experienced a tumultuous two decades as they struggled to fully break free from Moscow’s grip, establish functioning democracies, and fully join the West.
Marghulia notes that most countries emerging from Soviet rule were simply not prepared for what came next once they achieved independence.
"We made a lot of mistakes. We all yearned for freedom, but we did not prepare for this freedom," Marghulia says.
"We all thought that when we got freedom, then everything else would take care of itself. We weren’t prepared. We didn’t prepare people to be good ministers, good administrators. We didn’t have any concept about how to develop our state."
Leadership Deficit
Analysts say these newly independent states, having spent nearly seven decades under direct Soviet rule, had largely internalized the USSR’s authoritarian political culture and had scant democratic traditions to draw upon once they became independent.
Moreover, proximity to Russia gave Moscow an opportunity for meddling that simply did not exist farther to the West.
"Certainly the closer you were to Western Europe, the easier the process went. I think internal [political] factors and the Russian desire not to allow these countries to move closer to the West have been the biggest problems," says James Goldgeier, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and author of the book "America Between the Wars: from 11/9 to 9/11," which examines the period between the end of the Cold War and the September 11, 2001 attacks.
Earlier this decade, the so-called "colored revolutions" in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan appeared at the time to be great democratic leaps forward — the start of a second wave of the 1989-type democratic uprisings that could usher a new group of countries into Western institutions.
But soon after the euphoria from the Rose, Orange, and Tulip revolutions abated, bitter disappointment and disillusionment set in as the new elites descended into political squabbling, infighting, and recriminations.
So what will it take to re-energize the democratic wave that appeared poised to sweep across much of the post-Soviet space not so long ago?
"You’re going to need effective leadership in the countries themselves, and real leaders who can put aside personal vanity and their own efforts to settle scores with others and really try to help develop their countries as best they can. And I think you are going to need to see changes in Russia over time," Goldgeier says.
The Hand Of Moscow
Most experts agree that Russia is indeed a big part of the problem. After losing its Warsaw Pact satellites in Eastern Europe, Moscow has been steadfast in its determination to keep what it calls a sphere of influence in the former Soviet space.
"In the early part of the 1990s, Russia was barely able to push back. Now they are. And in countries on their border with tremendous cultural and political ties, they’re going to push back very hard," says Lincoln Mitchell, a professor of international politics at Columbia University in New York and author of "Uncertain Democracy: U.S. Foreign Policy and Georgia’s Rose Revolution."
After Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, Moscow began using its energy wealth as a blunt weapon to punish the pro-Western government of President Viktor Yushchenko. It has also consistently sought to exploit the ongoing rivalry between Yushchenko and his Orange Revolution partner, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
In Moldova, Russia has used the conflict in breakaway Transdniester to destabilize the government in Chisinau and keep it dependent on Moscow.
Even before Georgia won its independence from the Soviet Union, Russia was stirring up separatist sentiments in the country’s Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions. The Kremlin also armed both sides in the civil unrest that rocked Tbilisi in the early 1990s as rival political clans vied for power.
The Kremlin is still hugely influential in the former Soviet Union
And before the Rose Revolution swept President Mikheil Saakashvili’s pro-Western government into office, Russia insisted on — and received — the right to appoint Georgia’s defense and security ministers.
When Saakashvili revoked this extraordinary privilege soon after coming to power, it infuriated the Kremlin and set in motion the acrimonious relationship that endures to this day.
But despite Russia’s undeniable role, analysts say the democratic deficit in most of the former Soviet space has deeper causes than Moscow’s persistent meddling.
Analysts say leaders in the region who profess to democratic principles have scant understanding of what these mean in practice.
"You have to have leadership that is willing to lose an election, leadership that understands democracy. You have to have leadership that believes that the democratic mission is more important than whatever good they think they can bring to the country," Mitchell says.
Abandonment Fears
There are also concerns that the West could abandon countries like Ukraine and Georgia, especially given U.S. President Barack Obama’s goal of pursuing better relations with Russia.
In July, a group of prominent Eastern European intellectuals and former officials — including former Czech and Polish Presidents Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa — published an open letter to the Obama administration expressing their fears.
In an effort to assuage these concerns, Obama dispatched Vice President Joe Biden to Kyiv and Tbilisi in the summer to reassure Ukraine and Georgia of Washington’s commitment.
Analysts say, however, that over the years the West has misfired to an extent in its effort to develop democratic institutions in the former Soviet Union.
Mitchell, who has worked on democracy-building projects throughout the region, says the United States and the European Union have focused on what he calls a "technical solutions-based approach" that stresses things like "helping parliaments mark up bills better and hold better committee hearings" at the expense of building civil society from the ground up.
The technical approach worked well in places like Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, which had precommunist democratic traditions to draw on. It also worked in the Baltic states, which were only incorporated into the Soviet Union after World War II and had a living memory of a democratic system.
But in countries like Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova, Mitchell says such an approach would have limited results.
"Is a country simply OK with being democratic but just not able to do it? That’s the ideal type — Poland in 1992. Or is it trying to use the facade of democracy and some of the tools of democracy to strengthen a nondemocratic regime?" Mitchell says.
"Increasingly, when you give authoritarian or semi-authoritarian governments the tools of democracy, they don’t use them to democratize. They use them to become less democratic."
The coming year will provide several key tests for the countries of the region. Ukraine will hold its first post-Orange Revolution presidential election in January, with incumbent Yushchenko widely expected to lose to either Tymoshenko or opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych.
Georgia is scheduled to hold local elections in May, seen by experts as the first round of the battle to replace Saakashvili, whose term expires in 2013.
And Moldova is expected to stumble into the new year without a head of state as the Alliance for European Integration, a Western-leaning parliamentary coalition, continues to struggle to elect its preferred candidate, Marian Lupu as president.
But the biggest test of all may be whether Obama’s efforts to improve Washington’s relations with Moscow will — as the White House clearly hopes — mellow Russia’s posture in the region over time.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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