Opinion
Viorel Chivriga: The delayed reforms in Moldova had a negative impact on the economy in 2014
According to the economic expert, Viorel Chivriga, 2014 was a year of lessons for Moldova. It remains to be seen if Chisinau learned them.
Viorel Chivriga: In 2014, the three countries which have signed the Association Agreement with the EU were actually targets of destabilization actions on behalf of the Russian Federation. The fact that Moldova was affected less shows that the government took pretty good measures. However, Moldova’s sovereignty has been undermined several times. Even during the peak of the events in Ukraine there were some hints that Moldova and Georgia could be the next targets.
Economically we were very cruelly hit by the arbitrary decisions of the Russian institutions Rosselhoznadzor and Rospotrebnadzor. Whether Moldova has coped with that or not is still a subject of discussion. In fact, these events have revealed our weaknesses that we should work on in future.
What surprised me though is that all the three countries – Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia – have shown dignity and have not given up. They went on signing the Association Agreement with the EU. The agreement is a document that can serve as basis for the Moldovan government programme for the next four years- a program of the country modernization that we lacked in the last two decades.
On the economic side, the delayed reforms was the biggest problem in 2014, and those who suffered most were the citizens and the entrepreneurs that have developed useful economic activities for the country, but who have lost a lot.
On the other hand, I was positively surprised by the solidarity shown with Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia by other CIS countries. Also, a great support came from the EU countries and the USA. The Moldovan people have appreciated much the economic, political and social support provided by the development partners.
There are things that show that 2014 was a really crucial year for the Republic of Moldova and the big test which took place on November 30th – the Parliamentary elections, showed that the country is on the right path, but a path on which we should go straight as the past elections showed we are on the edge and this has upset many people. So the government should go hand in hand with the people, and not only initiate reforms but also realize them so that the people see their benefits.
The year 2015 should not be just a turning point and a year of continuation of the reforms started in 2014, but also a year of delivery. We should accomplish all the reforms that we have initiated.
Lina Grâu: The year 2014 ends on the background of a profound economic crisis caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. You said that Moldova has been hit hard by the Russian Federation economic embargo. Beyond that, this pressure has forced to a certain extent the local producers to seek other markets and accordingly there are voices saying that currently, these embargoes save Moldova from a very deep economic crisis like the one in 1998, when the Moldovan economy was more connected with the Russian market than at present.
Viorel Chivriga: I’m not supporting the view that the sanctions imposed by the Russian Federation brought benefits to Moldova. As a result of the embargo imposed on the Moldovan exports by the Russian Federation, the restriction of the free movement of our citizens and the political and economic blackmail by Moscow, Moldova did not gain anything. On the contrary, the most affected were the ordinary people. Hundreds of thousands of people have suffered as a result of these actions. They were the target of the actions of Russia which has tried to provoke a state of disobedience on behalf of a large part of the population. In fact, these kinds of actions are against any international law.
In order to avoid similar situations in future, the economic situation should be well monitored. What happened in Moldova in the banking system shows that here we have many problems that can generate situations that could get out of control and cause enormous damage. We need to focus on diversification. We have not done this on time and we are not doing it now either. This situation could lead to unpleasant results in the coming years.
First, we must learn to bring more competitiveness in the national economy. We need to use the internal reserves considering also the competitiveness that big and small investors from abroad can bring. The latter can provide key elements for the modernization of the country – transfer of expertise, experience and technology. It’s something that we do not currently have in the country. On the other hand, when we talk about diversification, we must learn not only to produce but also to enter other markets. It would be terrible to look only to the Western or Eastern market. There are also other markets and we must learn to conquer them too.
L.G.: You mentioned about the elections from November 30th. There has been nearly a month since the three parties said they would form a pro-European coalition and no consensus has been reached so far. Why is this happening and what could be the repercussions on the society and on the European course?
V.C.: I think our politicians’ responsibility has always been a huge problem. It is exactly the case when you don’t need months to discuss something that is indisputable: the creation of a pro-European coalition. Yes, this coalition should be maintained but should look completely different. It should be a coalition of accountable parties.
The electoral programmes of these parties contain a lot of activities from the Association Agreement and the former government program that have not been realized. It is they that should form the basis of the future government programme. This government that we have been waiting to be formed should be of the highest quality in terms of the government programme and professionalism of the people promoted in the executive structure.
We need an optimized number of ministries, agencies, but we also need a lot of responsibility from those in the government in order to achieve the objectives. And the government should be more careful with the achievements –it usually promises rather ambitious things that fail to be realized. Instead, it should come up with concrete results that can be proven to the voters.
L.G.: From your point of view, what are the priorities for 2015? Do you think that, as the Moldovan authorities said earlier, we could submit an application to join the EU at the Eastern Partnership Summit in Riga?
V.C.: Regarding the membership, very much depends on the performance of the Republic of Moldova. The Association Agreement has to be implemented and the entire society has to be involved in this process –the state institutions, the business community, the local government, academia, non-governmental sector, and every citizen. On the other hand, the relations with the donors and partners of Moldova are very good. But we must show to our citizens that we are able to complete the reforms.
One of the most important reforms is the justice reform. It is a much awaited reform by the entire Moldovan society but which is being undermined and hindered by those working in the sector- by the judges who remain the same as 10 years ago.
At the same time, we need ambitious reforms in the economy. We have an economy that really needs to be modernized the more quickly the better. The current model is completely outdated and harmful. What we should urgently do is to improve the business climate. It is something that we have been talking about for decades, but which remains heavily criticized and which is in urgent need for change. It requires solving old problems. For example, the political and economic marriage is destroying the competition in the country, scaring investors, ruining companies, and undermining the development of the economic sectors.
Another thing we should think about is the quality of human resources. We should teach people think and work differently and bring experience and expertise from outside. This area has very direct links with the academic sector in the country which also needs to be reformed.
What is happening in the education sector, I think, is an example of maturity. Yes, it is hard, unpleasant, and sometimes hurts, but so are the reforms.
If we talk about health, the things are more complicated and are rather an example of how not to do reforms. What happens in the villages of Moldova shows that in many cases people are not only deprived of the opportunity to achieve something economically, but lack basic services that people should have access to in each community.
L.G.: In conclusion, we can say that the years 2014-2015 is a period during which Moldova has good chances to break away from the Eastern area and advance more towards the EU?
V.C.: The year 2014 has already shown that there is no other way. Well, there have been many discussions about the Customs Union, but that was a trick and also a false path. What is happening now in the Russian Federation shows that this project is not sustainable and is just a trap for the countries in order to divert them from their European path.
The year 2015 should be a year of reforms. It is a year in which we must demonstrate that we can make reforms, change the country and act differently. But the most important is that the year 2015 is the first year after the elections and is suitable for reforms. In the coming years – 2016-2017 – this favourable field for the reforms will diminish. So, the most ambitious reforms should be made in 2015 and for that we need a strong government with people who can assume and achieve the reforms.
Lina Grâu: What if the political class does not deliver on the above-mentioned reforms?
Viorel Chivriga: What happened during the election campaign and right after the elections should be a very clear signal to the entire political class: the electorate, the population will penalize those who make promises but don’t keep their word, and those that come up with sterile electoral programmes. On November 30th we were on the verge of forgetting about our European course, the pro-European Moldovan population and the partners from abroad who have supported us over the past years. So, I think this is a very clear signal: folks, get down to work!
The interview was done by Lina Grâu, foreign policy expert and programme coordinator of the Foreign Policy Association of Moldova.
This opinion piece was written by Dr. Nicholas Dima. Dr. Dima was formerly a Professor of Geography and Geopolitics at Djibouti University, St. Mary’s University College and James Madison University. From 1975 to 1985 and from 1989 to 2001, Dr. Dima was a Writer and Field Reporter at Voice of America. The opinion does not necessarily represent the opinion of the editorial staff of Moldova.org.
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The 21st Century Russian Federation is a rebirth of the 19-th Century Tsarist Empire; a huge territory inhabited by hundreds of ethnic groups held together by an authoritarian government. Having acquired a diversity of lands and peoples that would not freely want to be together, Moscow has to be on guard. It has to keep an eye on those who are inside the federation and to make sure that no outsiders threaten its territory. Otherwise, in a nutshell, Ukraine is Russia’s biggest dilemma and Russia is Ukraine’s biggest nightmare!
In 1991 Moscow agreed reluctantly to the dissolution of the former USSR. Ukraine became independent and consented to give up its nuclear arsenal inherited from the Soviet Union in exchange for territorial guaranties. Russia did not keep its engagement. It violated the Minsk protocol and in 2014, after a hybrid war, annexed Crimea. At the same time, pro-Russian forces took over two important eastern Ukrainian regions, Lugansk and Donetsk, where the population is ethnically mixed and somehow pro-Russian.
Since the annexation of Crimea, Moscow has strengthened its military presence in the peninsula and in the Black and Azov Seas. Furthermore, it built a strategic bridge that connects Crimea with the Russian mainland. Then, Russia began to reject NATO activities in East Europe and to denounce the presence of the US Navy in the Black Sea as provocations. In order to counter NATO, Russia also brought some of its warships from the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea through the Volga-Don Canal.
During recent years, Ukraine approached the United States and NATO and asked for assistance and, eventually, for membership in the EU and possibly NATO. For Moscow, however, Ukraine is an essential buffer zone against the West. With President Vladimir Putin lamenting the dismemberment of the USSR and embracing the traditional Russian expansionist mentality, the perspective of Ukraine’s NATO membership would be an existential threat.
The current situation at the Russo-Ukrainian border is tense and the stakes are high. Neither country is satisfied with the status quo, but the choices are very risky. The important Donbas region of East Ukraine, controlled by pro-Russian forces, is in a limbo. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is losing support among the people and must defend his country’s integrity. Currently, Putin has the upper hand and military superiority on his side, but using brute force in the conflict could trigger further Western economic sanctions and even military hostility.
For now it seems that Moscow is mainly posturing, but the true Russian intentions are not clear. Thus, a miscalculation could trigger a catastrophe of international proportions. No one knows how the events will play out, but the danger is obvious. Moscow is playing with fire. Apparently, it does not want a full war, neither the current stalemate, nor a retreat. What does it want? It seems that Moscow knows what it wants, but not necessarily what it can!
Regionally, the situation between Europe and Russia is complex and internationally the world is confronted with threatening new realignments. With the help of Russia, Belarus has encouraged thousand of Middle East migrants to assail the Polish border and the European Union. Poland has mobilized its forces and NATO and EU are on alert. The three Baltic countries also feel threatened. And the recent Russo-Chinese economic cooperation and military rapprochement reinforce the international apprehension.
Since the dissolution of the USSR, Russia went through several uneasy stages. During the first years of transition toward a new political system Russia experienced economic decline and popular unrest. Then, Putin took over and managed to stabilize the country. Russia opted for security and stability instead of political democracy and economic prosperity. At the same time, Kremlin focused its resource on the military and strengthened Russia’s war capacity.
For the time being, Russia may want to perpetuate the current situation and to keep Ukraine under its thumb. However, things are not static and sometimes they move unpredictably. What if Ukraine does become a NATO member? Then, it will be impossible for Russia to challenge Kyiv without triggering a devastating war. On the other hand, waiting is not in Russia’s advantage. Demographically, ethnic Russians are declining and the non-Russians, mostly Muslims, are fast increasing. The continuous emigration to the West of many Russians is not helping the population balance either. This trend will almost certainly renew old conflicts especially in the unsettled Caucasus region…
Attacking Ukraine now, overtly or through a hybrid war, would be risky for Russia and would not bring a lasting solution to the dispute. The war could destabilize Kyiv and even dismember Ukraine, but it would also destabilize the Russian Federation. The present tension will probably be diffused, but the next time around, in about 10 to 20 years, Putin will be gone, Moscow itself will be in disarray, Caucasian Muslims will be asking openly for independence and Ukraine will be ready and capable to fight Russia.
A Russo-Ukrainian war, now or later, will immediately have regional effects engaging Belarus and most likely Poland, the Baltic States, Moldova, Romania and implicitly NATO. Romania, for example, will follow its western allies, but it could not ignore the fact that certain formerly Romanian lands are now part of Ukraine. As for Moldova, beyond the facts that Moldovans are Romanians, its Transnistrian (Transdnestr) area is entirely under Russian control and in an eventual war will be used by Moscow against Ukraine.
Nicholas Dima, January 1, 2022
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
“People expect logical consequences when they see cases of undeclared assets, conflicts of interest, protectionism or proof of certain acts of corruption in the press. Appropriate reaction of authorities is expected even more when the country has commitments in the field of promoting integrity and fighting corruption. The Republic of Moldova has made such commitments. Still, real and effective actions to ensure the proper functioning of most public institutions as a result of eliminating corrupt elements are not very visible,” it is mentioned in the study “Reaction of authorities to journalistic investigations into cases of integrity issues and corruption” launched during an online event organized by the Association of Independent Press and Transparency International Moldova on May 5.
The current study is the third published study after those conducted in 2017 and 2019. All of them aimed to observe the way authorities take into account, verify and sanction the facts described in various journalistic investigations. Another purpose was to monitor persons mentioned in the investigations, in order to see if integrity issues reported by journalists were taken into account when they were promoted or moved to another position.
The 2021 study includes 19 monitored investigations, published between August 2019 and December 2020 by media institutions specialized in conducting investigations in the field of integrity, corruption and organised crime (RISE Moldova, Investigative Journalism Center of Moldova, Ziarul de Garda, MoldovaCurata.md), as well as contains a retrospective of the authorities’ reactions as a consequence of 10 investigations published in the last 5 years.
Study insights
First of all, the investigations monitored in the study were followed by a reaction from either National Integrity Authority (NIA) – as most of the facts described in the monitored investigations concerned assets and conflicts of interest, which fall within the NIA scope of
competence – or other state institutions. The study showed that state authorities were lastly more keen to react to investigations and initiate controls, as compared to 2017 and 2019. In 2017, when 32 investigations were monitored, the percentage of cases with lack of reaction from state institutions was 26%. In 2019, out of the 26 monitored investigations the percentage of non-response cases was 42.3%. In the present study, which includes 19 monitored investigations, the percentage of cases with no reaction was 0%.
The results of introduced controls have been not fruitful yet. Of the 19 controls, 10 are still ongoing, 2 – rejected, 3 confirmed the facts stated in the investigations and 1 resulted in an ongoing criminal case.
Only 3 persons targeted in the monitored investigations became subjects of criminal cases. One person out of 3 was prosecuted directly for the facts described in the investigation, following a complaint filed by a third party. Moreover, “the results continue to indicate a certain degree of tolerance of institutions whose employees are targeted in journalistic investigations as having integrity issues,” is mentioned in the study. As compared to previous studies, no cases of promotion of persons with integrity problems were recorded (8 cases in 2017 and 2 cases in 2019). Still, out of 19 documented investigations, there was only one resignation for the reasons described in the investigation. That happened only after state institutions put pressure on the concerned institution. Also, there were 2 cases when the mentioned people resigned for other reasons than the accusations stated in the investigations.
When looking at the reaction of authorities in the case of 10 investigations published in the last 5 years, it can be observed that the facts described in the investigations had a greater impact on public opinion, but didn’t generate adequate and timely responses from the responsible institutions. Authorities reacted depending on the conjuncture and political reality, sometimes long after the publication of investigation. “With regard to investigations involving mismanagement of public money or alienation of public assets, it is extremely rare for those responsible to be brought to justice and for the material damage caused to be recovered.” Criminal cases were filed only after the change of government (politicians) or when officials become hostile to people in power (judges, prosecutors), as one of the study authors, Victor Mosneag, noticed.
“There is a perception that journalists conduct good investigations and nothing happens after that,” Viorica Zaharia, the second author, said. According to the author, the lack of authorities’ reaction discredit the institutions in charge of control and penalty, as well as media institutions that publish investigations. “We hope that through these studies, more pressure will be put on the authorities to pay more attention to journalistic investigations into conflict of interests, public procurement, assets that exceed the declared income, and so on,” mentioned Viorica Zaharia at the presentation event.
The study can be read here.
Photo: Volodymyr Hryshchenko| Unsplash
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