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The life and times of Emir Magas: Ingushetia’s most wanted

Reading Time: 5 minutes Moscow’s biggest victory over the North Caucasus rebels since fall 2000

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by Mairbek Vachagaev

Moscow’s biggest victory over the North Caucasus rebels since fall 2000

The Federal Security Service (FSB) of the Russian Federation announced that on June 9, the leader of the Ingush Jamaat, Emir Magas (aka, Ahmed Yevloev or Ali Taziev), was captured during a special operation conducted in the Ingush town of Malgobek. It was the first time since the end of 2000 that Moscow managed to apprehend a real rebel while still alive. Moreover, the man now under Russian custody is truly of the biggest caliber among the rebels engaged in the resistance movement across the entire North Caucasus region. Emir Magas is the military commander of all Islamist jamaats within the Caucasus Emirate and simultaneously served as the Emir of the Ingushetia Wilaiah and the rebels in that part of the Emirate.

Ali Taziev (aka Ahmed Yevloev –incidentally, he has been known among the armed opposition under the latter name and surname) has long been the symbol of the armed resistance movement. Born in the Chechen capital of Grozny in 1978, Magas started his career as a rebel in Chechnya and was among the few Ingush who fought under the leadership of the military commander Shamil Basaev in 1995-96. During the time between the two Chechnya wars, from 1996 to 1999, the only thing known about him is that he lived in Ingushetia and served in the police force. Magas did not join the police force in order to gain a position from which to attack the Russian authorities but, rather, to earn a living since wages in the police corps was quite decent at the time. A man of few words, who always avoided journalists and television cameras, his whereabouts were unknown by many, including his own comrades.

With the beginning of Russia’s second Chechnya military campaign, Emir Magas, once again joined Shamil Basaev. Together, they left the besieged capital city of Grozny in early 2000 and headed to the mountains of Chechnya, where they continued to fight against the Russians in the Vedeno and Nozhay-Yurt districts. Then, Basaev ordered Magas to go to Ingushetia in order to coordinate the activities of the small scattered groups of rebels who were helping the Chechens in adjoining territories between Ingushetia and Chechnya. Under the command of Magas, the first united Shariat Jamaat of Ingushetia was organized. The Russian authorities declared Magas dead on many occasions (www.kp.ru, June 11), but “resurrected,” he continued to strike ever more ferociously. The assault organized by Magas against the interior ministry in Ingushetia in 2004 caught Moscow by complete surprise, as the Russian authorities never imagined that Magas was capable of putting together such a large-scale operation with the participation of Shamil Basaev. During the attack on Nazran dozens were killed and hundreds were wounded and a cache of several thousand firearms was taken as a part of the military booty (www.kommersant.ru/doc-y.aspx?DocsID=1201048).

Emir Magas is considered the organizer of dozens of crimes perpetrated across Ingushetia including shootings, armed assaults, killings, armed robberies, kidnappings, etc. He is believed to have also participated in the assault on a school in the North Ossetian town of Beslan on September 1, 2004. One of the latest charges against Magas is the attempted assassination of Ingushetia’s President, Yunus-bek Yevkurov, on June 22, 2009. The atmosphere of terror that Magas has created throughout Ingushetia has forced many, including local government ministers, to pay hundreds of thousands of US dollars to ensure their security (www.ingushetia.ru, June 10). Many rebel operations have been perpetrated by others besides Magas, and despite his recent arrest, it would be naive to anticipate rapid changes in such occurrences.

In all probability, Emir Magas was not among those who staunchly advocated the reorganization of the North Caucasus armed resistance movement by establishing the Caucasus Emirate as its new structure. The information of his pledged allegiance to Doku Umarov, the head of the Caucasus Emirate, was the latest news regarding Magas’ choice on the matter. On the other hand, it is improbable that Magas belongs to the group of Salafists. Similar to his late friend and commander, Shamil Basaev (who is also erroneously believed to have been a Salafist) –Magas was known to be a Sufi, not associating himself with Salafists. As far as his political tenets are concerned, Magas is a downright radical.

Given the unprecedented smear campaign in the Russian press against Emir Magas (http://news.yandex.ru/yandsearch?cl4url=www.vz.ru%2Fsociety%2F2010%2F6%2F9%2F409344.html), it could be concluded that the Russian authorities have so far failed to extract the desired information from him and are now trying to portray him as a traitor to his young supporters and sympathizers through “information leaks.” The Russian state’s machinery of coercion has many tools at its disposal to break the spirit of the arrested rebel leader, but Magas appears to have proven to be an exceptionally hard nut to crack, thus explaining the purpose of the smear campaign claims that he had given important information to the Russian authorities. It would be more reasonable to anticipate that he would disclose more general information in the course of his cooperation with Russian authorities. However, no sooner had the footage been aired on Russian TV showing him captured and taken to a Moscow prison than the information on his defection was “leaked.” The second perplexing detail in the Magas story is the location where he was allegedly apprehended; there was no incident in the town of Malgobek on the day he is claimed to have been captured in the Russian special operation. The third conundrum is that talk started in mid-May by representatives of the Ingush Diaspora in Moscow insisting that Magas had been arrested half alive in Ingushetia and delivered to Moscow. How could the Ingush living in Moscow have known about his arrest well in advance of the official announcement? The operation also might have involved the use of some sort of chemical gas that would have left Magas incapacitated.

With the capture of Emir Magas, officials in Moscow once again were quick to announce that they have delivered a knockout blow to the North Caucasus resistance movement (www.rus.ruvr.ru, June 10). This claim has been made every time a senior rebel leader has been killed, from the two Chechen Presidents, Aslan Maskhadov and Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev, killed on March 8, 2005 and on June 17, 2006, respectively, to the most famous rebel military commanders, Shamil Basaev and Hamzat (Ruslan) Gelaev, killed on June 9, 2006 and February 28, 2004, respectively, to the emirs of jamaats in Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia. But the death of a leader brings little change in the jamaat structure, apart from some tactical modifications. A jamaat can become more radical and belligerent though, which is exactly what happened after the death of Anzor Astemirov. His replacement, Emir Abdullah, has been organizing assaults and explosions on almost a daily basis in the vicinity of the capital city of Nalchik in Kabardino-Balkaria. Such assaults were never as frequent when Astemirov was the emir of the local jamaat. The arrest of Magas will hardly bring about the major changes that the Russian authorities are probably expecting. Any changes depend not on Magas or the Federal Security Service (FSB), for that matter, but on those who continue their struggle in the ranks of the jamaat.

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FC Sheriff Tiraspol victory: can national pride go hand in hand with political separatism?

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A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.

International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.

Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.

Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.

Is it Moldova?

First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.

At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”

What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.

“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.

Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.

Is it a victory?

In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.

Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.

“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”

Is it only about football?

FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.

The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.

Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.

Photo: unknown

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Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita meets high-ranking EU officials in Brussels

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Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.

Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.

“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.

Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.

Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.

A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.

“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”

The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.

Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.

Photo: gov.md

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Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria

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The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.

In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.

“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”

“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”

The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.

They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur  to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.

**

The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.

The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”

Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”

Photo: peacekeeping.un.org

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