Society
Moldova’s Place within the European Neighbourhood: Facts and Prospects
Reading Time: 7 minutes Moldova’s Place within the European Neighbourhood: Facts and Prospects
Common Vision for Common Neighborhood
3 May 2006, Vilnius
IGOR Munteanu
It is a real privilege to attend this conference, and I would like to express my appreciation for the hard work invested in it. The conference coincides with a number of trends in the Western Europe, as well as in the countries which have transited recently from a post-soviet, Russian-dominated ‘near neighborhood’ to an ‘European-minded’ wider neighborhood. Let me share with you how we see these trends in Moldova, how we evaluate our prospects to become closer to the EU and what are the facts that prove this commitment.
Since March 2003 Moldova become part of the ENP which aims to build a new sort of cooperation with countries at the border of the enlarged EU-Wider Europe, based on ‘shared political and economic values’. The ENP sees this achieved through a policy of ‘constructive engagement’. One of the main reasons for the ENP creation was to assist the systemic transformations in the countries, which were not included nor invited to join any sort of SA agreements with EU, but were judged as ‘extremely important’ for security reasons (migration flows, territorial conflicts, border disputes), which are mostly related to the ESFP.
The overall goal of the ENP is quite clear to us, and I believe that after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities, we’ve made a right step into the right direction. In February 26, 2005, Moldova has signed an Action Plan with EU, which in spite all objective limitations provided a new framework of dialogue and guidelines in our cooperation, On the basis of a ‘strategic consensus’ among the main political parties and civil society groups, we have set as a strategic goal for the country to join EU, and have also drafted an IPAP with NATO in 2006. A number of key-reforms have started last year, concerning the judiciary reform, central public administration reform, access to information law, freedom of speech, and other vital steps aiming to reduce governance flaws, while increase accountability of the governments and rule of law.
On its part, the EU has also imported parts of the most anguishing problems of Moldova. The EU designated its special representative to deal in Moldova with the conflict resolution in Transnistria. The EU also gained an observer seat within the current conflict settlement format aside Russia, US, OSCE, Moldova and Ukraine, while in the same time, it set a EU Delegation in Moldova and granted it a GSP+ trade package. That entails a greater cooperation of Moldova and the EU in the field of a wide areas of domestic reforms, and a greater role for the EU in the settlement of Transnistrian conflict, largely dominated in the last decade by a Russian-imposed model of ‘autocratic regime’. One can say, we have achieved most of what was generally possible after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities on our side, but this would be partially true due to the fact that we have witnessed how other neighbors, as in the Baltic States, or in the south-eastern Europe, have registered better results due to an enhanced statute of relations with EU.
Therefore, assessing the statute of moldo-EU relations, there is a number of questions to be answered.
The first one concerns the identity of Moldova as either candidate for future membership to the EU or just a “neighbor”. The second one questions the final goal of the pro-European policies Moldova is undertaking either towards EU membership, or towards becoming a better neighbor. EU officials have many times expressed the slim accession prospects even in the medium run for the countries belonging to the ex-soviet space. But, what is to be or not to be an European ‘neighbor’; it is unclear why ENP defines an European and not a EU neighborhood. As Europe means a geocultural and geopolitical space, we cannot be neighbors to ourselves. Europe is where Europeans live, identify themselves as ‘Europeans’, while ‘political neighborhood’ refers mostly to the ‘EU neighborhood’, which is quite distinct and has its own distributive effects.
The second pair of questions are referred to what EU expects from its neighbors. Moldova, just like Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and a bunch of Mediterranean countries were granted towards an alternative policy replacing full-fledged EU integration, and this is particularly clear as it avoids any reference to the ‘aquis communaitaire’ terms and vocabulary reliying mostly on a kind of ‘fitting-all’ standards, which is certainly undermining the focus and relevance of the reforms, on a long-rung in our countries. The existing Action Plans would allow Moldova or Ukraine, in principle, to intensify cooperation with EU in some aspects (including the market, security, culture and science), but will bring less chances to manage its institutional resources and aspirations in conformity with the ‘EU standards and regulations’, already in place in other countries of the Central and Eastern Europe.
On the other hand, there is no any particular identity of south-eastern Europeans that would need to keep Moldovans, Ukrainians outside of the EU format. By contrast to the Middle Eastern Neighbors, there are no cultural or civilization drawbacks for Moldova’s European identity. Public support is for instance entirely pro-European in Moldova. Judging only on the recent polls, citizens support in joining EU is about 77%, while only 9% disapprove it. Half of the population believes the EU is Moldova’s main trade partner. The fact that public perception is way ahead of the real economic and political facts proves the symbolic value of Europe in the Moldovan society. Russia is perceived as Moldova’s main partner by 52%, while 32% think Russia makes also the most political and economic threat. Only 8% of Moldovans view EU as being a threat. As for the political orientation, the pro-European views are even more striking. All political parties in Moldova, excepting the extremist pro-Russian parties of Patria-Rodina and Ravnopravie (4-8%) of the electorate support the pro-EU course, and commit themselves to struggle for this course at any cost.
The civilizational congruence of Moldova and European Union is obvious, therefore the only real problem is making Moldova work like a European country. Sometimes, we have not engineered enough our own solutions to the complex agenda of social and economic problems, partially because we’ve missed a chance to get a roadmap towards what we have to achieve. The lack of integration perspectives can inhibit the pro-European economic and social reforms. That is because EU course involves multiple trade-offs for the countries involved, while the prospects of membership is the kind of benefit that impinges the states and nations to bear the costs of its transition in institutional terms. The absence of this incentive, would certainly discourage the neighbors from the socially and politically costly reforms, and this argument seems to be quite substantiated.
The nexus of these questions address the feasibility of an EU membership trajectory on a long run. It succeeded to create for many countries in the Central and South Eastern Europe a transitional model that guided elites and fostered nations to follow a course of democratic and economic reforms, to curb their inflicted political, social and economic problems and to repair historical injustices or ethnic conflicts. As the EU enlargement was one of the most successful transformation projects of the history, its substitution may not guarantee a full-stabilization of the market-economy, stable democracy and vibrant civil societies in the countries which strives today to invest in their development after many decades of stagnation or soviet rule. I would like to reinstate that most of the Moldova’s problems are easy solvable. Sometimes, we tend to regard the non-accession clause as a consequence of poor homework execution, and something that can be changed. The widespread belief within the political class is that ‘as soon as the reforms are better implemented and the economy is in better shape, the non-accession clause will be ruled out for Moldova’.
Of course, not everything fits to our expectations yet. After the 1 year of implementing the Moldova-EU Action Plan, there is a chronic lack of professionalism and EU awareness within the staff of the various state agencies and ministries. In fact, few public officials outside of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, know even the basics of the EU and EU construction, very few of them show real capacity to learn from the lessons of transition, while quite a bit of the state bodies remain literally untouched by the reforms. There is also a stark opposition from the bureaucracy that fears the staff-cuts and the “war on corruption”, as well as massive re-organization of the public administration. Poor financing, and excessive reliance on the external funding prohibit innovative solutions, while allowing some of the civil servants to show no commitment at all to the key-sectors they are in charge for. Therefore, there is need for more effective reforms and more concrete results in the implementation of the Moldova-EU Action Plan. Integrating the EU into the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, increasing the participation of Moldova in the European economy and the structural reforms will, in the long run bring Moldova in the position of asking for EU accession. Instead of getting discouraged, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, which is in charge of the Moldova-EU Action Plan, is both motivated and pressured by the President to accomplish more.
On the basis of the current neighborhood instruments, Moldova should clearly take advantage to modernize its economy and institutions to the existing EU standards. When that is achieved, European accession is a matter of formal agreements. Massive education campaigns should be conducted aside reforms. More European investment into educating the present and future administration of Moldova by enacting education programs, academic mobility programs and public awareness initiatives is greatly needed. Romania and the “new European countries” could also provide valuable assistance by sharing European integration experience.
More conditionality should be asserted from the part of EU towards Moldova. The conditionality should be paired with objective evaluation of the Moldovan government’s (in-)success in conducting democratic reforms. Nothing could spur the Moldovan government’s reforms like negative appreciation from the part of European Commission. That would definitely push the Moldovan authorities look for more efficient solutions. In the same time, Moldova, Ukraine and the rest of EU neighbors may consider the creation of common bodies that would be representative to speak out common interests towards the EU. In particular, this may help them to associate to assimilate some parts of the aquis communotaire; it may facilitate their accession to a number of EU instruments, such as: Security and Foreign Policy, Judicial and Home Affiairs, Environment, Trade, etc. It may create an additional leverage to influence EU to make accessible some parts of the structural funds to their recognized neighbors. This may create an exceptionally appealing roadmap for Ukraine and Moldova towards formal/gradual acquisition of the criteria which are met by the EU members. The benefits are also obvious to us, as well as for the EU. Therefore, it is obvious that the place of Moldova within Europe and the perceived finality of the European integration process can impact greatly future performances.
Society
“They are not needy, but they need help”. How Moldovan volunteers try to create a safe environment for the Ukrainian refugees
At the Government’s ground floor, the phones ring constantly, the laptop screens never reach standby. In one corner of the room there is a logistics planning meeting, someone has a call on Zoom with partners and donors, someone else finally managed to take a cookie and make some coffee. Everyone is exhausted and have sleepy red eyes, but the volunteers still have a lot of energy and dedication to help in creating a safe place for the Ukrainian refugees.
“It’s like a continuous bustle just so you won’t read the news. You get home sometimes and you don’t have time for news, and that somehow helps. It’s a kind of solidarity and mutual support,” says Vlada Ciobanu, volunteer responsible for communication and fundraising.
The volunteers group was formed from the very first day of war. A Facebook page was created, where all types of messages immediately started to flow: “I offer accommodation”, “I want to help”, “I want to get involved”, “Where can I bring the products?”, “I have a car and I can go to the customs”. Soon, the authorities also started asking for volunteers’ support. Now they all work together, coordinate activities and try to find solutions to the most difficult problems.
Is accommodation needed for 10, 200 or 800 people? Do you need transportation to the customs? Does anyone want to deliver 3 tons of apples and does not know where? Do you need medicine or mobile toilets? All these questions require prompt answers and actions. Blankets, sheets, diapers, hygiene products, food, clothes – people bring everything, and someone needs to quickly find ways of delivering them to those who need them.
Sometimes this collaboration is difficult, involves a lot of bureaucracy, and it can be difficult to get answers on time. “Republic of Moldova has never faced such a large influx of refugees and, probably because nobody thought this could happen, a mechanism of this kind of crisis has not been developed. Due to the absence of such a mechanism that the state should have created, we, the volunteers, intervened and tried to help in a practical way for the spontaneous and on the sport solutions of the problems,” mentions Ecaterina Luțișina, volunteer responsible for the refugees’ accommodation.
Ana Maria Popa, one of the founders of the group “Help Ukrainians in Moldova/SOS Українці Молдовa” says that the toughest thing is to find time and have a clear mind in managing different procedures, although things still happen somehow naturally. Everyone is ready to intervene and help, to take on more responsibilities and to act immediately when needed. The biggest challenges arise when it is necessary to accommodate large families, people with special needs, for which alternative solutions must be identified.
Goods and donations
The volunteers try to cope with the high flow of requests for both accommodation and products of all kinds. “It came to me as a shock and a panic when I found out that both mothers who are now in Ukraine, as well as those who found refuge in our country are losing their milk because of stress. We are trying to fill an enormous need for milk powder, for which the demand is high and the stocks are decreasing”, says Steliana, the volunteer responsible for the distribution of goods from the donation centers.
Several centers have been set up to collect donations in all regions of Chisinau, and volunteers are redirecting the goods to where the refugees are. A system for processing and monitoring donations has already been established, while the volunteer drivers take over the order only according to a unique code.
Volunteers from the collection centers also do the inventory – the donated goods and the distributed goods. The rest is transported to Vatra deposit, from where it is distributed to the placement centers where more than 50 refugees are housed.
When they want to donate goods, but they don’t know what would be needed, people are urged to put themselves in the position of refugees and ask themselves what would they need most if they wake up overnight and have to hurriedly pack their bags and run away. Steliana wants to emphasise that “these people are not needy, but these people need help. They did not choose to end up in this situation.”
Furthermore, the volunteer Cristina Sîrbu seeks to identify producers and negotiate prices for products needed by refugees, thus mediating the procurement process for NGOs with which she collaborates, such as Caritas, World Children’s Fund, Polish Solidarity Fund, Lifting hands, Peace Corps and others.
One of the challenges she is facing now is the identifying a mattress manufacturer in the West, because the Moldovan mattress manufacturer that has been helping so far no longer has polyurethane, a raw material usually imported from Russia and Ukraine.
Cristina also needs to find solutions for the needs of the volunteer groups – phones, laptops, gsm connection and internet for a good carrying out of activities.
Hate messages
The most difficult thing for the communication team is to manage the hate messages on the social networks, which started to appear more often. “Even if there is some sort of dissatisfaction from the Ukrainian refugees and those who offer help, we live now in a very diverse society, there are different kind of people, and we act very differently under stress,” said Vlada Ciobanu.
Translation by Cătălina Bîrsanu
Important
#WorldForUkraine – a map that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression
The international community and volunteers from all over te world have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against the Russian aggression. In a digital world – it is an interactive map of public support of Ukrainians under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.”
„Today, along with the political and military support, emotional connection with the civilized world and truthful information are extremely important for Ukraine. The power to do it is in your hands. Join the #WorldForUkraine project and contribute to the victorious battle against the bloodshed inflicted on Ukraine by the aggression of the Russian Federation”, says the „about the project” section of the platform.
Go to the streets — Tell people — Connect and Unite — Become POWERFUL
Volunteers have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression. In digital world – it is an INTERACTIVE MAP of public support of Ukrainians worldforukraine.net under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.” There you may find information about past and future rallies in your city in support of Ukraine. This is a permanent platform for Ukrainian diaspora and people all over the world concerned about the situation in Ukraine.
So here’s a couple of things you could do yourself to help:
* if there is a political rally in your city, then participate in it and write about it on social media with geolocation and the hashtag #WorldForUkraine
* if there are no rallies nearby, organize one in support of Ukraine yourself, write about it on social media with geolocation adding the hashtag #WorldForUkraine
The map will add information about gathering by #WorldForUkraine AUTOMATICALLY
Your voice now stronger THAN ever
All rallies are already here: https://worldforukraine.net
Important
How is Moldova managing the big influx of Ukrainian refugees? The authorities’ plan, explained
From 24th to 28th of February, 71 359 Ukrainian citizens entered the territory of Republic of Moldova. 33 173 of them left the country. As of this moment, there are 38 186 Ukrainian citizens in Moldova, who have arrived over the past 100 hours.
The Moldovan people and authorities have organized themselves quickly from the first day of war between Russia and Ukraine. However, in the event of a prolonged armed conflict and a continuous influx of Ukrainian refugees, the efforts and donations need to be efficiently managed. Thus, we inquired about Moldova’s long-term plan and the state’s capacity to receive, host, and treat a bigger number of refugees.
On February 26th, the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Moldova approved the Regulation of organization and functioning of the temporary Placement Center for refugees and the staffing and expenditure rules. According to the Regulation, the Centers will have the capacity of temporary hosting and feeding at least 20 persons, for a maximum of 3 months, with the possibility of extending this period. The Centers will also offer legal, social, psychological, and primary medical consultations to the refugees. The Center’s activity will be financed from budget allocations, under Article 19 of Provision no. 1 of the Exceptional Situations Commission from February 24th, 2022, and from other sources of funding that do not contravene applicable law.
The Ministry of Inner Affairs and the Government of Moldova facilitated the organization of the volunteers’ group “Moldova for Peace”. Its purpose is to receive, offer assistance and accommodation to the Ukrainian refugees. The group is still working on creating a structure, registering and contacting volunteers, etc. It does not activate under a legal umbrella.
Lilia Nenescu, one of the “Moldova for Peace” volunteers, said that the group consists of over 20 people. Other 1700 registered to volunteer by filling in this form, which is still available. The group consists of several departments:
The volunteers’ department. Its members act as fixers: they’re responsible for connecting the people in need of assistance with the appropriate department. Some of the volunteers are located in the customs points. “The Ministry of Inner Affairs sends us every day the list of the customs points where our assistance is needed, and we mobilize the volunteers”, says Lilia Nenescu.
The Goods Department manages all the goods donated by the Moldavian citizens. The donations are separated into categories: non-perishable foods and non-food supplies. The volunteers of this department sort the goods into packages to be distributed.
The Government intends to collect all the donations in four locations. The National Agency for Food Safety and the National Agency for Public Health will ensure mechanisms to confirm that all the deposited goods comply with safety and quality regulations.
The Service Department operates in 4 directions and needs the volunteer involvement of specialists in psychology, legal assistance (the majority of the refugees only have Ukrainian ID and birth certificates of their children); medical assistance; translation (a part of the refugees are not Ukrainian citizens).
According to Elena Mudrîi, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Health, so far there is no data about the number of Covid-19 positive refugees. She only mentioned two cases that needed outpatient medical assistance: a pregnant woman and the mother of a 4-day-old child.
The Accommodation Department. The volunteers are waiting for the centralized and updated information from the Ministry of Labor about the institutions offering accommodation, besides the houses offered by individuals.
The Transport Department consists of drivers organized in groups. They receive notifications about the number of people who need transportation from the customs points to the asylum centers for refugees.
The municipal authorities of Chișinău announced that the Ukrainian children refugees from the capital city will be enrolled in educational institutions. The authorities also intend to create Day-Care Centers for children, where they will be engaged in educational activities and will receive psychological assistance. Besides, the refugees from the municipal temporary accommodation centers receive individual and group counseling.
In addition to this effort, a group of volunteers consisting of Ana Gurău, Ana Popapa, and Andrei Lutenco developed, with the help of Cristian Coșneanu, the UArefugees platform, synchronized with the responses from this form. On the first day, 943 people offered their help using the form, and 110 people asked for help. According to Anna Gurău, the volunteers communicate with the Government in order to update the platform with the missing data.
Translation from Romanian by Natalia Graur
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