Politics
Moldova after 20 years: A mixture of lost opportunities, successes and challenges
Reading Time: 5 minutes Remarks by Vlad Spânu, President of the Moldova Foundation, at the Panel Discussion: Moldova’s Democratic Transition: 20 Years of Challenges and Successes held on August 31, 2011 at NED in Washington, DC
Remarks by Vlad Spânu, President of the Moldova Foundation, at the Panel Discussion: "Moldova’s Democratic Transition: 20 Years of Challenges and Successes" held on August 31, 2011 at NED in Washington, DC
For me, like for many people of Moldova, August 27, 1991 represents the culmination of the national movement’s fascinating struggle that started in 1988. Many do not know, others are inclined to forget, but the mass peaceful protests and meetings in Chisinau in the period of 1988-1989 were among the largest and well-organized movements in the Soviet Union’s republics. Our main demands were to change Soviet Moldova’s flag to a national one, the historical Romanian tricolor, to change the anthem, and to replace the Russian with Romanian, as official language of the republic, using the Latin script instead of imposed Cyrillic and, ultimately, to get independence from Moscow. On August 31, 1989, 22 years ago today, the Supreme Soviet, legislative body in Chisinau, passed into law the establishment of the official language of the MSSR and the return to the Latin alphabet. Just to get you a sense of those days, several historical facts, events that followed. A few weeks from this date, August 31, the trans-Nistrian districts of the MSSR protested the establishment of the Romanian written in Latin characters as the official language of the republic, which started the secessionist movement among Russian speakers in Tiraspol and other districts on the left bank of Nistru, where the 14th Soviet army headquarters were located. In one year, on September 2, 1990, the Moldavian Transnistrian Soviet Republic was proclaimed in Tiraspol. And in one year, on August 27, 1991, Moldovans were able to use another window of opportunity in history and escape from Moscow’s control, similarly with the situation in 1918.
20 years is not a long period in history. Those who see glass half full would definitely praise the people of the independent Republic of Moldova for their achievements. First and foremost, they got liberty. Today, no one can argue with the fact that people in what was once Soviet Moldova have more freedom than they had prior to 1991 – of movement, of expression, of electing and being elected, to name a few. Arguably, Moldovans live now better than 20 years ago.
Those who see the glass half empty would argue that Moldova lost its opportunities in these 20 years. They would compare the country with the Baltic States – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – that in 1995 each country signed an Association Agreement with the EU, while Moldova, in 1994 became a member of Russia-led Commonwealth of Independent States. In 2002 the Baltic nations applied to become members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (E.U.) and got into these organizations in 2004, while Moldovans elected in 2001 communists to control all branches of power until 2009. According to IMF’s data for 2007, GDP per capita in Moldova was $2,720, while in Estonia it was $20,961, Latvia — $17,484, Lithuania — $18,108. These are all Soviet republics that started in 1991in similar economic conditions. Moldova is last in the region when it comes to GDP and FDI per capita, but first in labor export and human trafficking, remittances per capita. Moldova of today is associated with high corruption in the highest echelons of power, political instability, unresolved separatist conflict and foreign troops on its territory. All of these contribute to Moldova’s vulnerability and make the country the poorest in Europe.
Why Moldova could not take off the ground as did the Baltics or its western neighbor Romania, of which the current territory of the Republic of Moldova was a part before Soviet occupation of 1940?
The simple reason is that Moldova was too easy to be handled and controlled, the society was too fragmented in dealing with very basic question of identity, besides, the west has been paying little attention and had not appetite to get itself involved with the “Bessarabian question”, to use a term from the Soviet historiography.
Today, after two years of ruling of non-communist parties that form the Alliance for European Integration (AEI), feelings of the Moldovans are mixed. Most of them are glad that the communists ended their 8 years in power, which ruled Moldova in a semi totalitarian style. Others are disappointed with the pace of reforms and their numbers grow by day. In my opinion, Moldova risks to repeat the Ukraine’s political scenario of 2010 when pro-western parties lost power through democratic elections or Moldova’s own scenario of 2001, when the communists return to power winning the absolute majority of the seats in parliament.
Indeed, since 2009, there was no a breakthrough in cutting corruption and red tape, in creating jobs to retain its workforce from leaving the country. Improvements – yes, but no radical change. If in 2001-2009, head of the communists ruled the country, monopolizing businesses, export and import operations in favor of his own company run by his son Oleg Voronin, today, there are several political actors that took that role. Business people, both those who were in Voronin’s entourage and those who were in opposition to communists, saw the opportunity to take over Voronin-controlled businesses and state assets. And they do so by using political parties as vehicles and, in many instances disregarding the rule of law. There is no secret anymore that there are three business clans that compete in Moldova, which are controlled by current PM Vladimir Filat, deputy speaker Valdimir Plahotniuc and ex-president Vladimir Voronin. Troika of the three Vladimirs. To get a better feeling of the complex business dealing in Moldova these days, I will give you one example. Today, after 2 years of ruling of the AEI, the only company who has an exclusive license to export metal in Moldova is the company controlled by the Voronin family. No state run company can get such a license today. This example shows how deep the corruption, protectionism are imbedded in the governmental institutions and how tied are business links across the political spectrum.
If you look into what writes the Moldova media since 2009, you would not see in the headlines that coalition parties or politicians are competing for who puts forward the best reform strategies. Instead, you will see what party or politician controls Moldtelecom, Franzeluta or other public companies and businesses.
Moldova is in a political deadlock, unable to elect a president for two years by the parliament, due to the Constitutional threshold of 61 votes out of 101. Parliamentarians need to do two of the following to overcome it: change the Constitution or find a compromise candidate. It is likely that new parliamentary elections will be triggered because of the deadlock, although politicians are reluctant to do this due to the fact that new elections are very unpopular with the tired electorate. After all, Moldovans had three parliamentary and one local elections in 2 years.
But even if elections take place, it is unlikely politicians will be able to find a solution to elect president, unless they are willing to make radical change in the system of governance.
What changes need to be made?
The key problem in Moldova is that the principle of the distribution of power became dysfunctional in 2000, when the country was transformed from a semi-presidential to a parliamentarian republic. That needs to be fixed.
Let’s take one by one.
The legislative. Today, Moldovans, unlike in early 1990s, elect members of parliament by party lists and parliamentarians are not accountable to the people who voted for them. A change to uninominal voting system, like one in the U.S., when only one member is selected from each district, is needed that would end the corruption practice lack of democracy within parties, and bring closer parliamentarians to the people.
The presidency. For the sake of the separation of power, the president has to be elected by popular vote. This could be the first step, followed by a large debate in the country about eliminating the duality of the executive branch when you have the president and the prime minster, a practice that is overspread in Europe, that lead to political in fights between these two executive sub-branches.
The judiciary. Now, it is not independent from political influences and it is still corrupt. This is why the judicial system needs reform and support from the west for such reforms.
This is true for overall reforms of the system of governance. And I hope Moldovans themselves start to realize that a comprehensive reform is needed in the Moldovan political system, but without the west assistance and pressure, if you wish, it is unlikely they will take the lead.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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