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This is the luxurious lifestyle of Moldova’s ex-PM’s son. All three bank accounts of Vlad Luca Filat were frozen



Vlad-Luca Filat, the son of the former prime minister Vlad Filat, bathes in luxury and wealth. He rented a Knightsbridge villa for which he pays £1.000/day. Earlier this week, magistrates decided to freeze the three bank accounts held by the young man and seize about £500.000. The decision was made after the former Prime Minister’s son couldn’t explain where the money came from, the National Crime Agency (ANC) informs.

After moving to London in July 2016 to finish his studies, Vlad-Luca led an extravagant lifestyle, spending a lot of money on luxury goods and services, such as buying a Bentley Bentayga, worth £200,000, the source quoted.

One of the most expensive beaches of the Nikki Beach region was rented by the son of the former Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Luca Filat. On a couple of pictures published on the Facebook social network back in 2015, Luca was splashing in the company of friends with champagne and not “Dom Perignon”, the value of which is €500, according to the price list published on the official site of the resort. From the pictures below, the identity of the young man is confirmed by comments by his friend Yurii Pervac, with which he appears in the pictures.

It seems even more unusual that the luxury that Vlad Filat’s son allows him to wear clothing that Moldovan young people don’t dare to dream about, such as the Zilli belt, a brand whose belts cost about €3.500.

The order to freeze the three bank accounts held by Vlad Luca Filat, 22, came after ANC’s financial investigators suspected that these funds came from the illegal activity of his father, Vlad Filat, the former prime minister of Moldova.

Despite the fact that the 22-year-old student did not register any income in the UK, the HSBC bank records showed that all the expenses the young man was doing were financed by large deposits from overseas companies based in Turkey and the Islands Cayman. In just three days, £98.100 were transferred to his accounts.

In result, the London authorities ordered the son of the former Prime Minister of Moldova, Vlad Filat, to surrender almost half a million pounds, after his son failed to indicate the origin of £390.000, the money for which he intended to rent Knightsbridge penthouse.

Reminder: In July 2016, the former prime minister was sentenced to nine years in prison for colossal proportions of money laundering.


But what about the son of oligarch and Democratic Party of Moldova leader, Plahotniuc?

Unlike ex-PM Filat, since becoming a politician, Vladimir Plahotniuc made sure he properly hid his property abroad from behind some of the front and intermedia companies, as well as send his sons abroad for safety reasons. The foreign real estate empire of the Moldovan oligarch counts more exclusive properties that never appeared in his wealth statements.

For instance, in September 2018, RISE Moldova has identified four of them. On the Geneva – Sciez – Les Houches – Bucharest axis, villas are worth over 30 million euros, or more than half a billion lei.

Besides luxurious traveling to exotic countries on private planes, buying overly expensive watches, and studying at one of the most expensive universities in Europe (Business School Lausanne), Timofei Plahotniuc lives and studies in Geneva (Switzerland) and runs an exclusive Mansory Mercedes-Benz S63 AMG Coupe, a custom-made car that could cost more than €1.000.000.

The car carries the initials of the young man, T.V.P., has exclusive numbers GE 79777 and was caught on the streets of Geneva by expensive car lovers. The pictures have appeared on a famous site of exclusive car lovers.

Source: Unimedia


“They are not yet capable for serious negotiations.” is what the Socialist Party says on ‘ACUM’ bloc’s invitation to negotiate



The Socialist Party member, Ion Ceban, mentioned that today’s appeal of the ‘ACUM’ bloc does not bring clarity about accepting or not accepting the socialists’ proposals to form a functional coalition.

According to him, the Socialists are willing to form working parties at the Socialist Party’s so-called leadership level. At the same time, the party claims to have been worried about some actions and activities “with a unionist tinge of the last days when the leadership of the bloc ‘ACUM’ takes part”.

Reminder: The bloc ‘ACUM’ has now proposed to the Socialist Party the creation of a working group composed of representatives of both factions, mandated to discuss by April 25 the initiatives that refer to the de-oligarchization of the state and implicitly to the improvement of the Moldovan people’s life.

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Is the newly elected Ukrainian president a model for any post-Soviet state? The impact of the Zelenskiy’s presidency on Moldova



Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the newly elected President of Ukraine, who became a phenomenon overnight declared during the first minutes of his victory: “I am still not officially a president, and I can say as a citizen of Ukraine to all the post-Soviet states: look at us — everything is possible!”

Is that really so? Are the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine comparable when it comes to the political or economic situations, external relations and the overall character of the society? And what is even more important: will the changes in Ukraine impel any transformations in the Republic of Moldova as well?

The parallels between Ukraine and Moldova

First, Ukraine and Moldova have two different forms of government. Ukraine is a unitary semi-presidential constitutional republic, whereas Moldova is a unitary parliamentary constitutional republic. Sounds similar but, in fact, that means that in Ukraine the president, as a head of state, has more political power, being more than a ceremonial, non-executive figure (as it is in the case of the Republic of Moldova). However, there is an important similarity regarding the election system used to vote the Parliament – both countries use the mixed election system.

Both post-Soviet countries suffered plenty of transformations in terms of changing governments since their independence declaration. Reformers, communists, nationalists, centrists, extremists, pro-Russians, pro-Europeans, all of them governed at certain point one country or another. Both Moldovans and Ukrainians fought for a better quality of life through mass protests. The peak for Moldovans was the mass protests from April 2009, when the victory of Communists at the parliamentary elections was publicly contested. In Ukraine, it was the Euromaidan from February 2014 when the pro-Russian President Yanukovych was removed from office after the Ukrainian ‘course’ was suddenly switched from signing the EU association agreement to tightening relations with Russia. The difference – Ukraine had a real revolution, Moldova didn’t.

Both Ukraine and Moldova have territories that were occupied. Ukraine has a territorial dispute with Russia regarding Crimea and Donbass, whereas Moldova has two self-proclaimed and unrecognised states that are, in fact, separatist regions – Transnistria and Gagauzia. The difference in this case is that Ukraine doesn’t seem to give up in trying to reclaim its territories. The Moldovan governments of all times didn’t seem to really care about the Russian tanks set in Transnistria for so-called peace-keeping reasons, leaving the situation up in the air for more than 20 years.

There is one more similarity between these two countries – both seem to be torn up between the wish to join the EU one day and the impossibility to fully detach themselves from the Russian interests. Basically, that is one of the most important sources of social disputes, beside the language and ethnic minorities problems. Moreover, both countries have ‘enthroned’ oligarchs to control the things and both have a permanently decreasing population that still keeps the post-Soviet reminisces in their behaviour and way of thinking.

As it seems, Moldova and Ukraine have a similar background. But will they have a similar future?

The Ukrainian model in Moldova

Even though so many things sound familiar both for Ukrainians and for Moldovans, the latter ones don’t really have any chance to repeat the same story, as the Moldovan cinematography is not as developed as the Ukrainian one. Taking it seriously, Moldovan people proved to be more sceptical and conservative when they had the chance to choose between a reformer woman and an experienced but traditionalist man running for President of Moldova in 2016. Maybe that would change in the future. Maybe.

For now, it is more important to observe the possible repercussions of the Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s presidency on the existing situation in the Republic of Moldova.

Zelenskiy is, at the moment, “a blank piece of paper”, as The Guardian wrote. People have a lot of expectations from him and as he didn’t discuss any political or social problems during the pre-elections period, the expectations are really differing. Nobody knows yet whether he will negotiate with Kremlin. Nobody knows yet whether he has ties with the oligarch Ihor Kolomoiski. However, as the political pundit Dionis Cenușă stated in an interview for RFE/RL: “Until now, there has been no one to come from outside the system and to propose an agenda in which to believe.”

Cenușă also stated that if Zelenskiy eventually is able to move away from the oligarchic circles, that would be relevant to the political systems and the oligarchs from Moldova and Georgia. It is widely known that the business and political interests of Vladimir Plahotniuc (Moldova), Bidzina Ivanishvili (Georgia) and Petro Poroshenko (Ukraine) coincided in the past.

Moreover, Ukraine as an active player in the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, being part of the 5 + 2 negotiation format. It would have a say in case Zelenskiy starts the informational war against Russia, as he previously promised during his electoral campaign.

One more thing that could change is the bilateral relations between the Ukrainian and the Moldovan Presidents. The discussions could be relaunched after 5 years of ‘cold’ relations between the Moldovan President Igor Dodon and the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko. It happened after a precipitate statement of Dodon in which he seemed to put the Kremlin right in the Crimea problem. Since that moment,  Poroshenko refused any official meeting with Igor Dodon.

Nonetheless, things will be certainly clearer when Zelenskiy will take over after his inauguration in June 2019 and after the parliamentary elections in October 2019 will decide whether the Ukrainian president has a majority to support him.

Photo: Reuters

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“Mr. Igor Dodon, where would you be if you hadn’t met Plahotniuc 15 years ago?”



This is the reaction of a deputy from the ‘ACUM’ opposition bloc. His name is Dumitru Alaiba.

During one of the television shows, Dodon declared that the ‘ACUM’ opposition bloc acts in an infantile way and that they would take the post of an MP as a silly game. The president referred to the deputy of the ‘ACUM’ bloc, Dumitru Alaiba, who made a video recording from the deputy cabinet and showed people the conditions in which the elected people are working.

In response, Alaiba made a video:

Raspuns lui Igor Dodon

M-am simtit vizat. Vedeti aici.

Geplaatst door Dumitru Alaiba op Zaterdag 20 april 2019

“Mr. Dodon, think well where you would have been if you hadn’t met Plahotniuc 15 years ago in your life with which you made schemes and privatizations back in those times. Think about where he would have been if he hadn’t met people like you who helped him grow and become what he is,” said Alaiba in the video.

At the end of the open letter, Dumitru Alaiba thanked President Dodon for following what he does.

“I, on the other hand, do not follow you. I opened my Facebook this morning and saw only medals and trips to Moscow. It’s not interesting. You would better take care of the country’s affairs and problems.”

Whether the Moldovan people want it or not, this is how the Moldovan politics works.

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