Politics
Why Moldova matters
Reading Time: 6 minutesAlthough the air outside is hot and dry—part of a heat wave scorching Russia and neighboring Ukraine—it is cool, dark, and slightly damp in the sandstone caverns beneath Milestii Mici, Moldova’s largest winery. Along seemingly endless underground boulevards, Soviet-era lighting and updated signs point the way to underground galleries housing millions of liters of meticulously produced and preserved wine in bottles and oak barrels—just part of the winery’s two-million-bottle collection, acknowledged by Guinness as the world’s largest.
By Matthew Rojansky
Although the air outside is hot and dry—part of a heat wave scorching Russia and neighboring Ukraine—it is cool, dark, and slightly damp in the sandstone caverns beneath Milestii Mici, Moldova’s largest winery. Along seemingly endless underground boulevards, Soviet-era lighting and updated signs point the way to underground galleries housing millions of liters of meticulously produced and preserved wine in bottles and oak barrels—just part of the winery’s two-million-bottle collection, acknowledged by Guinness as the world’s largest.
Moldovan wines were preferred by the Soviet elite, and Milestii Mici—along with Cricova, the wine cellar complex where Sovietskoe Shampanskoe, or sparkling wine, was produced—were known far and wide. Today, they do a healthy business, but exports are mostly to Russia and a few neighboring Central European countries and prices are low—an excellent vintage bottle costs as little as $10.
Moldova itself, like the country’s wine industry, represents one of Europe’s last remaining bargains. With a population of around 4 million people, and a land area about the size of the state of Maryland, it possesses some of Europe’s richest and most scenic farmland, a highly motivated workforce (hundreds of thousands of whom are already working in the European Union and Russia), and substantial if decaying infrastructure and industry installed by the Soviet government. Not only is the country relatively inexpensive as a destination for tourism and investment, it arguably has the most pluralistic and democratic political system of all the former Soviet countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).
Despite Moldova’s economic appeal and political openness, it remains stuck in a development rut. Pressure from internal and external forces exacerbates divisions between Romanian speakers and Russian speakers, confuses national priorities, and erodes the rule of law. But global powers on opposite sides of the Euro-Atlantic space are critical players in Moldova’s development, and now have an opportunity to help transform Moldova into an unqualified post-Soviet success story—proof that a prosperous, pluralistic, democratic state can exist in the space between East and West. This is particularly true in light of the U.S.-Russia “reset” and a parallel EU-Russia “partnership.”
Moldova’s recent political history is nothing short of complex. Since 1991, it has had three peaceful transfers of power—more than any other post-Soviet state except the Baltics. But its biggest domestic political challenge remains the absence of strong political leadership that represents the will of most Moldovan citizens. In April 2009, street protests following an allegedly fraudulent parliamentary election brought down the long-serving Communist government of President Vladimir Voronin.
Since then, the coalition of right-leaning opposition forces that came to power has failed to agree on a successor. Instead, they will ask voters to amend the constitution in September so that the president can be chosen by a direct ballot as early as the next parliamentary elections, currently scheduled for November. In the meantime, candidates on all sides are engaging in creative math to determine who is likely to form a ruling coalition in Parliament.
The outcome of this election is particularly important—with both the presidency and control of Parliament likely to be up for grabs during the same campaign, there are significant incentives for politicians on all sides to seek a compromise that will provide the new leadership with a strong mandate to govern, while protecting the interests of the defeated minority. This is no small task in a country like Moldova, where politics has long been divided along ethnic lines.
Some parties, like current Speaker Mihai Ghimpu’s Liberal Party, appeal almost exclusively to Romanian-speaking Moldovans, excluding Russians, Ukrainians, and other minorities—who together make up roughly 20 percent of the population—as well as many of the country’s elites. While Russian speakers tend to favor Voronin’s Communist Party, Voronin is prevented by term limits from running for president again, and his domination of the party means few appealing Communist candidates for the job.
Other political figures attempt to take a more centrist role. Prime Minister Vlad Filat, who leads the Liberal Democratic Party, takes a pragmatic, business-oriented approach, traveling to Brussels and focusing on Moldova’s European integration, but also visiting with Russian leaders and attempting to preserve access to Russian markets for Moldovan wines and agricultural products. These products have been jeopardized in recent months by Russian health service embargoes that appear to be politically motivated.
Meanwhile, Marian Lupu, a refugee from the Communist Party, positions his Democratic Party as the social-democratic alternative and has actively courted both Russian speakers in Moldova and Russian leaders in Moscow. Both the Liberal Democratic and Democratic parties have eschewed ethnic nationalism and the politics of language and, in doing so, remind Moldovans of their country’s longstanding multiethnic harmony: Romanian and Russian speakers, Ukrainians in the east, Gagauzian Turks in the south, and Soroka, with a sizable Roma (gypsy) population, nestled in the hills above the Nistru river, all coexisting peacefully.
Of course, the best known counterexample to Moldova’s history of interethnic harmony is the separatist “frozen conflict” in Transdniester, the narrow belt of Moldovan territory on the east bank of the Nistru. Transndniester—dominated by Russian speakers who held favored positions during the Soviet era and who fought a brief but bloody war to secede from Moldova in 1992—is now secured by more than one thousand Russian troops, some of whom operate as peacekeepers and some of whom guard a large stockpile of Red Army weapons withdrawn from Central Europe in the late 1980s.
Transdniester also contains the key industrial infrastructure of the former Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), including a major gas power plant that serves eastern Moldova and parts of Ukraine and Romania. While it made up only 12 percent of the territory, Transdniester provided 40 percent of the Moldovan SSR’s GDP in 1990.
Transdniester is important for other reasons as well. Although there has been no shooting on the Moldova-Transdniester border since the 1992 cease-fire, uncertainty over the fate of the breakaway region and concerns about border security and trafficking have kept Moldova itself off the short-list for European integration for twenty years. With neighboring Romania’s EU accession in 2003, though, Moldova became a logical candidate for consideration.
The arguments for Moldovan integration into a wider Europe transcend mere geography. First, Moldova has much to offer economically, including a well-regarded, highly mobile workforce with pockets of impressive entrepreneurialism and high-tech innovation; fertile agricultural land that accounts for over 40 percent of the country’s GDP and could become even more productive through better management; widespread but deteriorating infrastructure in need of investment; and a small but vibrant market already gobbling up European consumer goods. The team surrounding Filat, who has articulated a strategy of “rethinking Moldova,” symbolizes the country’s potential.
Second, Moldova would be the first CIS country to join the EU—a powerfully positive symbol—and would encourage neighboring Ukraine to adopt reforms necessary for its own European ambitions. Moldova’s integration with Europe will even help thaw the Transdniester conflict, since the separatist region’s economy already relies heavily on manufacturing for export and shipment, and improved access to European markets would be a powerful incentive for Tiraspol and Chisinau to find a compromise.
Although some in the EU fear that welcoming Moldova would open the floodgates of economic migration that saw millions of Romanians, Poles, and Hungarians descend on Italy, France, and Germany after the last wave of EU accessions, the opposite is true. Europe already hosts hundreds of thousands of Moldovan guest workers, of whom a substantial portion are illegal. Throughout Europe, Moldovan labor is valued, but restrictive visa regimes have forced many labor migrants to pay smugglers to cross borders illegally. These same workers then remain underground and are too afraid of being deported to report crimes to police in their host countries.
Indeed, rather than increase labor migration from Moldova, the EU—by admitting Moldova—may actually inspire more Moldovan migrants to return home and to travel and work legally, undercutting smugglers and gangsters who traffic in people, drugs, and weapons. Most of all, integrating Moldova into Europe would help extend the reach of the EU’s transparency and security rules, which would provide a clear model and an immediate incentive to help Transdniester and neighboring Ukraine reform.
Although EU accession for Moldova may be unrealistic under present conditions, Brussels should seek to extend visa liberalization and forge a trade cooperation agreement with Moldova as soon as possible. This approach will enable Moldovans to enjoy many of the much-needed benefits of European integration, while minimizing alarm from EU skeptics in “old Europe” and Russia. Although much work remains, Chisinau has already pursued an impressive array of reforms to meet EU standards. U.S. and European support for such initiatives—especially in the areas of government transparency and infrastructure rehabilitation—has been and will continue to be essential.
Capitalizing on the momentum of the U.S.-Russia “reset” and joint statements by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovich, the so-called “5+2” parties (Moldova, Transdniester, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, Russia, and Ukraine with the EU and United States observing) should renew efforts to negotiate a solution to the conflict in Transdniester. Neither side will abandon its maximalist goals—independence versus complete reunification—easily, but promising bilateral talks to spur cooperation in areas such as banking, transportation, and education are already underway. As the key trading partners and security guarantors for both Moldova and Transdniester, the EU, Russia, Ukraine, and the United States can adopt a joint approach that builds on existing bilateral cooperation and highlights the likely region-wide economic development if the conflict is resolved.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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