Politics
Tatars and Bashkirs pursue a more nationalist course
Reading Time: 5 minutesSupporters of Mintimir Shaimiyev and Murtaza Rakhimov long suggested that only those two leaders were able to restrain the nationalist movements in Tatarstan and Bashkortostan respectively.
by Paul Goble
Supporters of Mintimir Shaimiyev and Murtaza Rakhimov long suggested that only those two leaders were able to restrain the nationalist movements in Tatarstan and Bashkortostan respectively. Now that Moscow has ousted them, there are indications that these arguments were not without foundation.
The situation in the two Middle Volga republics even now is very different, a reflection of their very different histories, the contrasting approach of Shaimiyev and Rakhimov ruled them, and the very different ways that the two departed from office. But two new articles suggest that both Turkic Muslim republics are currently experiencing a nationalist upsurge.
In a 3100-word article on the “Russky reporter” portal, Vladimir Antipin suggests that Rakhimov left for his successor “a tightly tied knot” of political, social and religious “contradictions” that threatens “to convert the region into a bomb” that could go off if too many changes are made to Rakhimov’s regime too quickly (www.rusrep.ru/2010/28/baskiriya/).
The Moscow media noted the dispatch of spetsnaz units to Ufa in the run-up to the replacement of Rakhimov, Antipin points out, but few stories about this pointed out that there has been real violence in Bashkortostan in recent weeks, largely because of the information blockade about the republic that Rakhimov’s people had imposed.
But there have been serious problems, involving bandits animated by religious and ethnic values, and these were reflected by new developments immediately after Moscow named Rustem Khamitov to replace Rakhimov, including the discovery of arms caches in three districts, ethnic fights in several cities and towns, and at least one assassination attempt against a regional leader.
In short, the Moscow journalist says, that day was “a typical one in ‘the most well-off and stable’ republic in Russia,” where militants have staged attacks on all urban areas except the republic capital of Ufa which has been surrounded for some time by reinforced units of the militia.
One of the most explosive hotspots in Bashkortostan, Antipin says, is the Askin district where “for several months a well-armed group of militants has been operating.” Members of the group have attacked militia stations and individual officials there, despite the introduction of force structure units from Perm kray, Sverdlovsk oblast and other parts of Bashkortostan.
Most of the violence, officials say, has its roots in Wahhabism, which has attracted not only Bashkirs but also Tatars and ethnic Russians. Indeed, several officials told them that in Bashkortostan now, “local Islamists are taking their latest examination on their military preparation.”
In the Askin district, most of the people who live there are Bashkirs but speak Tatar. As a result, they have had problems with Ufa, which views them as potentially or actually disloyal, “almost in the same way as in Kyrgyzstan where northern Kyrgyz considered their southern brethren as not completely part of their community.”
Such feelings intensified during Rakhimov’s rule. Nikolay Shvetsov, the head of the republic’s Entrepreneurs’ Union and a former advisor to Rakhimov, told Antipin that Rakhimov “operated exclusively on Bashkirs.” They occupied three-quarters of more of all state positions even though they formed only a third of the population and three percent of businessmen.
According to Shvetsov, “as a result of the forced Bashkirization of the ethnic Russian and Tatar population, the local powers that be set against themselves an enormous number of people. The local Tatars suffered most of all from the local nationality policy,” he said, because they “typically forcibly re-identified by Ufa.
Wahhabism too has made inroads in Bashkortostan, Antipin says, both because Islam does not make distinctions on the basis of nationality and because of the “weakness” of the representatives of traditional faiths. For many young people in Bashkortostan, they are not of any interest while the radical are.
Asked what the authorities should do now, a local security service official says that it is necessary “to destroy the basis” which is giving rise to radicalism religious and national. The powers that be must change things in a systemic way [because] just getting rid of Rakhimov will not do the job.”
If Ufa with Moscow’s help does not do that, “six months from now we will have not only bombings of gas pipelines and shootings of militiamen.” Instead, “a full-blown ethno-religious conflict will begin.” Moscow’s failure to move earlier against Rakhimov set the stage for this. And its “cowardice” could create “a Chechnya” in the Middle Volga.
At the same time, Antipin concludes, nationalist groups in Bashkortostan are becoming ever more vehement in their demands that, in the words of one, “we have the right to live on our own land and to defend our lawful interests” and in the words of another, “nothing in the republic belongs to us Bashkirs, and this is not normal.”
Meanwhile, in an article on the “Svobodnaya pressa” portal, Anton Razmakhnin says that compared to Bashkortostan, Tatarstan may look calm. “But this is a superficial impression,” he says, and the Tatars may soon act in ways that will destabilize the situation, something that the journalist says is Moscow’s “fault” (svpressa.ru/society/article/28096/).
And that could lead Kazan to challenge Moscow in more serious ways because “there is no one in essence to hold the republic in submission to the federal center” because “the republic elite has received popular support under the banners of nationalism” and will be reluctant to lose that prop.
To clarify the situation, Razmakhnin interviewed Ramay Yuldash, a Tatar national activist. Yuldash said that Shaimiyev, as someone schooled in the Soviet system, was never comfortable with nationalism, but over time the republic leader choose to make use of it to build up his own power relative to Moscow.
But even as he did so, Yuldash continued, “Shaimiyev simply surrendered all our victories of sovereignty.” In neighboring Bashkortostan, he continued, “Rakhimov did the same thing.” According to the activist, Tatars and Bashkirs are beginning to see that clearly and to draw conclusions.
As a result, it is fair to say that “the Tatar people will be and was strong in the national sense,” even though at present, it is “much weaker” than it was in the 1990s. A major impulse to a new rise of nationalist feelings is a growing awareness of how much Moscow is taking away from Tatarstan without giving anything back.
In Soviet times, Yuldash said, Moscow took 97 percent of the earnings of the republic, a lot more than even Chingiz Khan ever did. So much for the “Tatar yoke,” he continued. Then, in the 1990s, the Tatars were able to retain 50 percent, but with the coming to power of Putin and Medvedev, Tatarstan again gives up 87 percent.
And that economic robbery is on top of a large number of cultural and national problems, including language. For example, if a Tatar goes to a Tatar-language school, he still must take the unified state examination in Russian, an arrangement that represents blatant discrimination against Tatars.
And Moscow continues to both try to reduce the number of Tatars by playing games with the census – there are 125 different groups into which the Tatars can be divided in the upcoming enumeration – and to use force against popular demonstrators, thus exacerbating nationality tensions.
Yuldash says that it is “personal impression that Moscow is doing everything so that Russia will disintegrate,” following exactly the same line that was pursued by the Bolsheviks who first encouraged the non-Russians, then cracked the whip against them, and finally had no answer to their problems besides independence.
It is not clear whether Moscow will pass “the Rubicon” in this regard, he concludes, but the new republic leader, “while tough” is “not personally devoted to the federal powers that be.” Consequently, while he won’t support “separatist projects like a South Urals Republic, he won’t devote particular efforts to block them.
If there should be a further economic downtown, Yuldash says, then the situation in Tatarstan could become completely unpredictable from Moscow’s point of view. And at least one of the possible outcomes could be a drive by Tatars to achieve, if not outright independence, far greater control over their affairs than they now have.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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