Politics
Russian politics turns towards Putin’s new presidency
Reading Time: 4 minutesDuring the past month, President Dmitry Medvedev has turned into a disappearing and irrelevant figure in the Russian political arena.
During the past month, President Dmitry Medvedev has turned into a disappearing and irrelevant figure in the Russian political arena. His lame-duck status was established beyond any reasonable doubt by the unreasonably harsh verdict against Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev in late 2010 (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 28). Medvedev’s performance at the World Economic Forum in Davos last week provided an illustration of a politician who travelled full circle from a hopeful candidate in 2007 to a failure shining through low-content rhetoric (www.gazeta.ru, January 27). The Domodedovo bombing disrupted his plan to entice investors, but his claim that terrorists aimed to ensure “that the Russian president would not come to this forum” by characterized by many Russian commentators as being genuinely preposterous (Moskovsky Komsomolets, January 27). Despite the lack of a plausible lead in the investigation, Medvedev’s attempt to demonstrate a resolute response to “the perpetrators and organizers of this monstrous crime,” was only just short of hopeless, while his “surprise inspection” of the Moscow metro, where a few pieces of security equipment were installed in one station just before his brief tour and disassembled afterwards, appeared to be fruitless and brought upon ridicule (Kommersant, January 28).
Journalists keep asking Medvedev about his intentions, but most politicians have started contemplating a more serious question: when Vladimir Putin reclaims the position of the supreme leader, who is going to take the significant post of prime minister? Medvedev is hardly the right man for the job, and such a reverse rotation would have looked odd at a time when it is imperative to solidify the legitimacy of the far from stable regime (Vedomosti, January 27; Kommersant-Vlast, January 17). The answer to the newly-looming question depends upon the outcome of the very probable reshuffling of the government. In two years not a single minister has been replaced. Putin did change the government on the eve of the elections in 2003, and twice in 2007, and now has discovered the need to bring in some fresh ideas since the pre-crisis strategic guidelines make little sense (www.gazeta.ru, 26 January). Experts, much like investors, may have a short memory of painful “corrections,” but the bureaucratic elephant never forgets.
The zigs-zags in political fortunes in Putin’s cabinet are already clearly visible. Sergei Ivanov, the main contender for the top job in 2007, probably hoped for a second chance, but the embarrassing setbacks over supervising the projects like Bulava (the missile for the new generation of strategic submarines) and GLONASS (satellite navigation system) have killed his comeback. Dmitry Kozak, who did an impressive job in the North Caucasus in the mid-2000’s, has disappeared in the crowd of government “back-benchers.” Aleksandr Khloponin, perhaps the most promising among the regional leaders, is stuck with the same hopeless task in the North Caucasus. Sergei Sobyanin used to be a key power-broker in Putin’s inner circle, but has not distinguished himself at all during the first 100 days in the high-profile position of Moscow’s Mayor (www.bmf.ru, January 28). First Deputy Prime Minister, Igor Shuvalov, is visible in the news-media but his prime responsibility for reforming the hopeless communal sector does not bode well for promotion.
One special case in these cut-throat intrigues is the Defense Minister, Anatoliy Serdyukov, who unlike other siloviki, has initiated and stubbornly executed radical reforms in the armed forces against the open sabotage by the top brass (Nezavisimoye Voyennoye Obozreniye, January 11). One crucial issue where Serdyukov has been unable to overcome this resistance is the tightening of the conscription system, which leads not only to falling combat worthiness of the “new-look” brigades but also to rising social tensions, particularly among students (Ezhednevny Zhurnal, January 17). Interior Minister, Rashid Nurgaliev, and the Director of the Federal Security Service (FSB), Aleksandr Bortnikov, are set to keep their jobs despite the failure to contain terrorism, but Serdyukov is perfectly placed to become a scape-goat (www.gazeta.ru, January 28). Serdyukov’s father-in-law, Viktor Zubkov, could also be eased from the position of First Deputy Prime Minister (and the chair of Gazprom’s board) into well-deserved retirement.
Among Putin’s trusted lieutenants only one is definitely on the rise – Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin. Indeed, Sechin directed the negotiations that resulted in an exchange of shares and the forging a strategic alliance between Rosneft and BP. In doing so, he secured proper international respectability despite being deeply implicated in the looting of assets of the dubiously bankrupted Yukos (The New Times, Ekspert, January 24). It was Sechin, and not the disfavored Ivanov, who went to Paris to sign the long-discussed contract on building two Mistral-class amphibious assault ships for the Russian Navy (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, January 21). It was the same Sechin who of all the smooth-talking Russian “envoys” at the Davos forum produced the most memorable sound-bite answering the question about Khodorkovsky’s travails: “Killers and crooks are behind bars, the mess is sorted out, the rules of the game are set, and that is what matters for investors” (www.gazeta.ru, Vedomosti, January 26). Russian bloggers are now making jokes about Sechin’s visibly slimmer appearance reflecting on Medvedev, who had also lost baby-fat before the surprise nomination in 2007 (www.besttoday.ru, January 27).
Medvedev may be the only person in the corridors of the Kremlin who is not aware that the “heart-to-heart” talk that Putin had promised for finalizing the decision about the next presidency has already taken place – but without him being present. Putin, Sechin and whoever else is “in the know” appear, however, equally unaware that this fool-proof method of selecting the boss for the next six years may be disappointing for large parts of the bureaucratic and business elites while insulting the electorate. In every politically meaningful social group there is a strong preference for stability and a longing for the “golden time” of the mid-2000’s, when incomes were rising and terrorism was declining. There is also a growing realization that a new edition of “Putin’s plan” from 2007 could not reproduce that stability based on generous distribution and shameless stealing of petro-revenues. Putin’s grip on and lust for power are undiminished but the ranks of followers of his lead to nowhere are shrinking.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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