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“The parliamentary elections will be a crucial test for Moldova” – Interview with Maja Kocijancic, the EU Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

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We spoke with Mrs. Maja Kocijancic, the EU Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy about the situation created in the Republic of Moldova, in the context of the future parliamentary elections.

The Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova will be organised soon, on February 24th. The political situation is already strained, even though the campaigning period starts only on January 25th. How exactly is the approaching elections seen by European Commission?

Credible, inclusive, and transparent elections at all levels, be it national or local, are pillars of any democracy and respecting the will of voters is one of the fundamental democratic principles. Hence, the upcoming parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova are of critical importance for the credibility of Chisinau’s commitment towards political association to the EU and for its democratic credentials, first and foremost, vis-à-vis the Moldovan citizens.

The EU is strongly committed to helping deliver real changes to the lives of the Moldovan people and so we would like to believe in the same level of commitment on the side of the Moldovan authorities. Unfortunately, recent developments, in particular the invalidation of the results of the mayoral elections in Chisinau, put into serious question the respect for democratic values and the rule of law in the country. These values are at the heart of the EU’s relations with the Republic of Moldova, as enshrined in our Association Agreement. The upcoming parliamentary elections will be yet another very crucial test for the respect for those core values and principles we agreed upon when signing the Agreement.

We therefore expect the authorities of the Republic of Moldova to ensure that the parliamentary elections are conducted in line with international standards.

The pending recommendations of the Council of Europe Venice Commission opinion of March 2018 and OSCE/ODIHR final reports should be implemented, including in particular by ensuring that all candidates receive equal opportunity to stand for the elections and have access to media, as well as ensuring appropriate international and national monitoring throughout the entire electoral process. The Moldovan authorities should also implement recommendations related to the transparency rules of party and campaign financing.

Is the situation during the electoral period supervised by the EU officials? What is the attitude towards the abuses committed by the Moldovan political parties during the pre-election period, investigated by the Promo-LEX Association, and what is the attitude regarding the invalidation of the last municipal elections for the mayor of Chisinau?

The changes to the electoral code adopted in 2017 were against the recommendations of the Council of Europe Venice Commission and OSCE/ODHIR. We said that at the time, publicly and to our Moldovan counterparts at various meetings. Since then, we have been very clear that the EU will continue to closely monitor the consequences of the new electoral system during the electoral process, including during the campaign, on Election Day and the period thereafter, with respect to their impact on democracy in general and on the multi-party system in particular.

Following the non-transparent invalidation of mayoral elections in Chisinau in July 2018, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini and Commissioner Hahn issued a joint statement expressing the importance for the government to respect the will of the voters. And in September 2018, Commissioner Hahn clearly communicated to Prime Minister Filip that we expect the Moldovan authorities to take further urgent actions to address our concerns, including the growing pressure on opposition, independent media and civil society.

The EU and other international partners are also regularly raising issues pertaining to human rights, including cases related to widespread use of preventive arrest, non-transparent judicial processes, as well as detention conditions and treatment of detainees, including several recent allegations of ill-treatment.

Now, in the run-up to the parliamentary elections, the EU will continue to follow with the closest attention all aspects relevant to the preparation and conduct of the elections.

As already mentioned, parliamentary elections in line with international standards, respecting democratic principles, are of crucial importance for us and so is the rule of law and human rights in Moldova, including the situation of the civil society and media. Guaranteeing an enabling environment for opposition and civil society is a key component of democracy.

We are also fully aware of, amongst others, the Promo-Lex report, as well as of the reactions it received. The findings of this national NGO with a long and reputable tradition in election monitoring should be considered by the relevant authorities and serve as the basis for taking appropriate steps to address identified shortcomings.

The Republic of Moldova was to receive a macro financial assistance of 100 million Euro from the EU, but the financial assistance was blocked, mainly due to the modification of the electoral system despite the recommendations of the European institutions and also due to the invalidation of elections for the mayor of Chisinau. Could you please evaluate the implementation by the Moldovan government of the reforms as part of the Eastern Partnership?

The EU supports political and economic reforms in Moldova in line with the Association Agreement. We also support Moldova through the cooperation in the Eastern Partnership format and provide assistance to improve the lives of citizens. However, it is the responsibility of the Moldovan authorities to effectively implement reforms and make good use of our support. In the Council Conclusions of February 2018, the EU reaffirmed these commitments, but also expressed concern at the lack of implementation of key reforms in Moldova. The new electoral law did not address some of the key recommendations of the Council of Europe Venice Commission and the OSCE/ODIHR, and immediate changes were also needed elsewhere, namely, the need to ensure media freedom and pluralism; to decisively fight against corruption; and to pursue a thorough reform of the judiciary.

At its meetings with the Moldovan counterparts, including at the Association Council in May 2018 and Association Committee in November 2018, the EU acknowledged that Moldova has made some progress in economic reforms, fiscal consolidation and bank restructuring, as well as in implementing the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, but clearly stated the areas where it feels there are shortcomings and where more decisive actions are needed.

While the EU acknowledges progress in Moldova in terms of economic development, it has witnessed a backsliding in the areas of the rule of law and, in particular, citizens’ rights. The European Commission, Parliament and the Member States have all expressed their concerns over the situation in Moldova.

In light of this deterioration, and in line with the principle of strict conditionality, payments under the Macro-Financial Assistance and EU budget support programmes have been put on hold, pending tangible progress in the areas already specified in the Council Conclusions of February 2018 and in those where we have been repeatedly voicing our concerns. Furthermore, the European Commission has taken the decision to substantially recalibrate its financial assistance and redirect support to projects that have a direct, positive impact on Moldovan citizens.

Taking into consideration the political context and the pre-election environment, is the Republic of Moldova on its way of approaching the EU and how willing is the EU to continue this process? Is the Association Agreement endangered by the direction of the events that take place in Chișinău?

The EU’s policy and assistance towards the Republic of Moldova remains focused on bringing tangible improvements in the lives of citizens. The EU has no intention of disengaging from the country. On the contrary, we will continue to engage by, i.a., stepping up our support for citizens’ empowerment, independent media and strategic communications. We also intend to support socio-economic development at regional level, focussing on Ungheni and Cahul. We will also continue supporting the peaceful settlement of the Transnistrian conflict and strengthening the rule of law and anti-corruption mechanisms.

The EU will remain committed to the Association Agreement as we believe the Moldovan citizens deserve better, and more specifically, they deserve the upcoming elections to be free and fair, a government committed to fight against corruption and a truly independent judiciary. The EU will continue to assist Moldova to this end, as one of our closest neighbours who made a clear European choice as testified by our Association Agreement.  But we expect the current and future Moldovan authorities to stay committed to this most ambitious agreement signed with the EU.

Our stability, security and prosperity are interdependent: a strong EU will help Moldova, and a strong Moldova will help the EU.  For such a partnership to work effectively and bear fruit, we need to rely on the establishment and proper functioning of democratic institutions, a strong and active civil society, and economic structures that facilitate and support development, inward investment, jobs and growth.

What should the priorities in the EU-Moldova relationship be and what measures should be taken considering the current situation?

The priorities in the EU-Moldova relationship are clearly stated by the Association Agreement. With signing it, Moldova decided to come closer to the EU and to adhere to our values. Moldova also committed to the swift and thorough implementation of key reforms aimed at bringing positive changes to the lives of the Moldovan people. The revised Association Agenda, setting out 13 key priorities for action, and the 20 deliverables for 2020 under the Eastern Partnership framework, also serve as practical guidance to this end.

Structural reforms are needed to create jobs and reduce poverty. But most of all, what remains absolutely crucial is building the State’s resilience, which can only be done with a genuine and decisive fight against vested interests and corruption, in order to build stronger institutions and contribute to the country’s growth. The EU stands ready to assist the Republic of Moldova to this end, but it is vital that the Moldovan authorities demonstrate their deep commitment to such values as the rule of law and democratic principles.

The EU expects the Moldovan authorities to take some urgent actions in order to redress the current situation. Our expectations concern elections, which should be credible, inclusive and transparent, but also other critical areas related to the respect of the rule of law. These include in particular:

  • a comprehensive and impartial prosecution of the banking fraud case, including in particular progress on Mr Shor’s case. The recurrent delays in judicial proceedings related to this case raise serious doubts about the credibility of efforts to prosecute this massive fraudulent scheme in a comprehensive and transparent manner. A thorough, impartial and comprehensive investigation and prosecution of the cases of the banking fraud with the aim of recovering the misappropriated funds and bringing all those responsible to justice, irrespective of any political affiliations without further delay and in full respect of the rule of law, is critical. This is what the EU has been repeatedly calling for during the past four years;
  • a substantive justice reform which is long overdue. The EU expects the Moldovan authorities to guarantee judicial accountability, transparency, impartiality and independence in line with the country’s international commitments as one of the key principles of the rule of law, a crucial element of democracy and the protection of human rights, and a long-standing expectation of the Moldovan citizens;
  • a decisive fight against high level corruption and vested interests.

Photo source: tiranatimes.com

Important

#WorldForUkraine – a map that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression

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The international community and volunteers from all over te world have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against the Russian aggression. In a digital world – it is an interactive map of public support of Ukrainians under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.”

„Today, along with the political and military support, emotional connection with the civilized world and truthful information are extremely important for Ukraine. The power to do it is in your hands. Join the #WorldForUkraine project and contribute to the victorious battle against the bloodshed inflicted on Ukraine by the aggression of the Russian Federation”, says the „about the project” section of the platform.

Go to the streets — Tell people — Connect and Unite — Become POWERFUL

Volunteers have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression. In digital world – it is an INTERACTIVE MAP of public support of Ukrainians worldforukraine.net under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.” There you may find information about past and future rallies in your city in support of Ukraine. This is a permanent platform for Ukrainian diaspora and people all over the world concerned about the situation in Ukraine.

So here’s a couple of things you could do yourself to help:

* if there is a political rally in your city, then participate in it and write about it on social media with geolocation and the hashtag #WorldForUkraine

* if there are no rallies nearby, organize one in support of Ukraine yourself, write about it on social media with geolocation adding the hashtag #WorldForUkraine

The map will add information about gathering by #WorldForUkraine AUTOMATICALLY

Your voice now stronger THAN ever

All rallies are already here: https://worldforukraine.net

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Important

How is Moldova managing the big influx of Ukrainian refugees? The authorities’ plan, explained 

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From 24th to 28th of February, 71 359 Ukrainian citizens entered the territory of Republic of Moldova. 33 173 of them left the country. As of this moment, there are 38 186 Ukrainian citizens in Moldova, who have arrived over the past 100 hours. 

The Moldovan people and authorities have organized themselves quickly from the first day of war between Russia and Ukraine. However, in the event of a prolonged armed conflict and a continuous influx of Ukrainian refugees, the efforts and donations need to be efficiently managed. Thus, we inquired about Moldova’s long-term plan and the state’s capacity to receive, host, and treat a bigger number of refugees. 

On February 26th, the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Moldova approved the Regulation of organization and functioning of the temporary Placement Center for refugees and the staffing and expenditure rules. According to the Regulation, the Centers will have the capacity of temporary hosting and feeding at least 20 persons, for a maximum of 3 months, with the possibility of extending this period. The Centers will also offer legal, social, psychological, and primary medical consultations to the refugees. The Center’s activity will be financed from budget allocations, under Article 19 of Provision no. 1 of the Exceptional Situations Commission from February 24th, 2022, and from other sources of funding that do not contravene applicable law.

The Ministry of Inner Affairs and the Government of Moldova facilitated the organization of the volunteers’ group “Moldova for Peace”.  Its purpose is to receive, offer assistance and accommodation to the Ukrainian refugees. The group is still working on creating a structure, registering and contacting volunteers, etc. It does not activate under a legal umbrella. 

Lilia Nenescu, one of the “Moldova for Peace” volunteers, said that the group consists of over 20 people. Other 1700 registered to volunteer by filling in this form, which is still available. The group consists of several departments: 

The volunteers’ department. Its members act as fixers: they’re responsible for connecting the people in need of assistance with the appropriate department. Some of the volunteers are located in the customs points. “The Ministry of Inner Affairs sends us every day the list of the customs points where our assistance is needed, and we mobilize the volunteers”, says Lilia Nenescu. 

The Goods Department manages all the goods donated by the Moldavian citizens. The donations are separated into categories: non-perishable foods and non-food supplies. The volunteers of this department sort the goods into packages to be distributed. 

The Government intends to collect all the donations in four locations. The National Agency for Food Safety and the National Agency for Public Health will ensure mechanisms to confirm that all the deposited goods comply with safety and quality regulations. 

The Service Department operates in 4 directions and needs the volunteer involvement of specialists in psychology, legal assistance (the majority of the refugees only have Ukrainian ID and birth certificates of their children); medical assistance; translation (a part of the refugees are not Ukrainian citizens). 

According to Elena Mudrîi, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Health, so far there is no data about the number of  Covid-19 positive refugees. She only mentioned two cases that needed outpatient medical assistance: a pregnant woman and the mother of a 4-day-old child. 

The Accommodation Department. The volunteers are waiting for the centralized and updated information from the Ministry of Labor about the institutions offering accommodation, besides the houses offered by individuals. 

The Transport Department consists of drivers organized in groups. They receive notifications about the number of people who need transportation from the customs points to the asylum centers for refugees.

The municipal authorities of Chișinău announced that the Ukrainian children refugees from the capital city will be enrolled in educational institutions. The authorities also intend to create Day-Care Centers for children, where they will be engaged in educational activities and will receive psychological assistance. Besides, the refugees from the municipal temporary accommodation centers receive individual and group counseling. 

In addition to this effort, a group of volunteers consisting of Ana Gurău, Ana Popapa, and Andrei Lutenco developed, with the help of Cristian Coșneanu, the UArefugees platform, synchronized with the responses from this form. On the first day, 943 people offered their help using the form, and 110 people asked for help. According to Anna Gurău, the volunteers communicate with the Government in order to update the platform with the missing data. 

Translation from Romanian by Natalia Graur

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Opinion

Russia And Ukraine At The Beginning of 2022

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This opinion piece was written by Dr. Nicholas Dima. Dr. Dima was formerly a Professor of Geography and Geopolitics at Djibouti University, St. Mary’s University College and James Madison University. From 1975 to 1985 and from 1989 to 2001, Dr. Dima was a Writer and Field Reporter at Voice of America. The opinion does not necessarily represent the opinion of the editorial staff of Moldova.org.

***

The 21st Century Russian Federation is a rebirth of the 19-th Century Tsarist Empire; a huge territory inhabited by hundreds of ethnic groups held together by an authoritarian government. Having acquired a diversity of lands and peoples that would not freely want to be together, Moscow has to be on guard. It has to keep an eye on those who are inside the federation and to make sure that no outsiders threaten its territory. Otherwise, in a nutshell, Ukraine is Russia’s biggest dilemma and Russia is Ukraine’s biggest nightmare!

In 1991 Moscow agreed reluctantly to the dissolution of the former USSR. Ukraine became independent and consented to give up its nuclear arsenal inherited from the Soviet Union in exchange for territorial guaranties. Russia did not keep its engagement. It violated the Minsk protocol and in 2014, after a hybrid war, annexed Crimea. At the same time, pro-Russian forces took over two important eastern Ukrainian regions, Lugansk and Donetsk, where the population is ethnically mixed and somehow pro-Russian.

Since the annexation of Crimea, Moscow has strengthened its military presence in the peninsula and in the Black and Azov Seas. Furthermore, it built a strategic bridge that connects Crimea with the Russian mainland. Then, Russia began to reject NATO activities in East Europe and to denounce the presence of the US Navy in the Black Sea as provocations. In order to counter NATO, Russia also brought some of its warships from the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea through the Volga-Don Canal.

During recent years, Ukraine approached the United States and NATO and asked for assistance and, eventually, for membership in the EU and possibly NATO. For Moscow, however, Ukraine is an essential buffer zone against the West. With President Vladimir Putin lamenting the dismemberment of the USSR and embracing the traditional Russian expansionist mentality, the perspective of Ukraine’s NATO membership would be an existential threat.

The current situation at the Russo-Ukrainian border is tense and the stakes are high. Neither country is satisfied with the status quo, but the choices are very risky. The important Donbas region of East Ukraine, controlled by pro-Russian forces, is in a limbo. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is losing support among the people and must defend his country’s integrity. Currently, Putin has the upper hand and military superiority on his side, but using brute force in the conflict could trigger further Western economic sanctions and even military hostility.

For now it seems that Moscow is mainly posturing, but the true Russian intentions are not clear. Thus, a miscalculation could trigger a catastrophe of international proportions. No one knows how the events will play out, but the danger is obvious. Moscow is playing with fire. Apparently, it does not want a full war, neither the current stalemate, nor a retreat. What does it want? It seems that Moscow knows what it wants, but not necessarily what it can!

Regionally, the situation between Europe and Russia is complex and internationally the world is confronted with threatening new realignments. With the help of Russia, Belarus has encouraged thousand of Middle East migrants to assail the Polish border and the European Union. Poland has mobilized its forces and NATO and EU are on alert. The three Baltic countries also feel threatened. And the recent Russo-Chinese economic cooperation and military rapprochement reinforce the international apprehension.

Since the dissolution of the USSR, Russia went through several uneasy stages. During the first years of transition toward a new political system Russia experienced economic decline and popular unrest. Then, Putin took over and managed to stabilize the country. Russia opted for security and stability instead of political democracy and economic prosperity. At the same time, Kremlin focused its resource on the military and strengthened Russia’s war capacity.

For the time being, Russia may want to perpetuate the current situation and to keep Ukraine under its thumb. However, things are not static and sometimes they move unpredictably. What if Ukraine does become a NATO member? Then, it will be impossible for Russia to challenge Kyiv without triggering a devastating war. On the other hand, waiting is not in Russia’s advantage. Demographically, ethnic Russians are declining and the non-Russians, mostly Muslims, are fast increasing. The continuous emigration to the West of many Russians is not helping the population balance either. This trend will almost certainly renew old conflicts especially in the unsettled Caucasus region…

Attacking Ukraine now, overtly or through a hybrid war, would be risky for Russia and would not bring a lasting solution to the dispute. The war could destabilize Kyiv and even dismember Ukraine, but it would also destabilize the Russian Federation. The  present tension will probably be diffused, but the next time around, in about 10 to 20 years, Putin will be gone, Moscow itself will be in disarray, Caucasian Muslims will be asking openly for independence and Ukraine will be ready and capable to fight Russia.

A Russo-Ukrainian war, now or later, will immediately have regional effects engaging Belarus and most likely Poland, the Baltic States, Moldova, Romania and implicitly NATO. Romania, for example, will follow its western allies, but it could not ignore the fact that certain formerly Romanian lands are now part of Ukraine. As for Moldova, beyond the facts that Moldovans are Romanians, its Transnistrian (Transdnestr) area is entirely under Russian control and in an eventual war will be used by Moscow against Ukraine.

Nicholas Dima, January 1,  2022

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