Politics
Moscow grows weary over Kadyrov’s excessive independence
Reading Time: 4 minutesOn July 30, the primary news outlet of the Chechen militants, Kavkaz Center, citing its own sources, reported Moscow was preparing a drastic shift in its policies in the North Caucasus.
By Valery Dzutsev
On July 30, the primary news outlet of the Chechen militants, Kavkaz Center, citing its own sources, reported Moscow was preparing a drastic shift in its policies in the North Caucasus. According to the website, the main points of Moscow’s new plan for the North Caucasus includes the removal of Ramzan Kadyrov from power in Chechnya, sending him into a “dignified exile” to Moscow as a deputy Russian interior minister and the physical elimination of Chechen rebel leader Doku Umarov, the “emir” of the Caucasus Emirate. In such an event these moves could result in reconciliation in Chechnya, given that Kadyrov’s successor, possibly Beslan Gantamirov, would have an explicit permission from Moscow to form “a government of national unity” in Chechnya that would bring the moderate members of the insurgency into the ruling bodies of the republic (www.kavkazcenter.com, July 30).
According to Kavkaz Center, the Kremlin is gravely concerned about the insurgency spreading across the North Caucasus and the danger it poses to Moscow’s control over the region in general and the successful holding of the Sochi Olympics in 2014 in particular. Reconciliation in Chechnya would supposedly allow Moscow to split the Caucasus Emirate, the existence of which Umarov proclaimed in October 2007. Moscow’s envoy to the North Caucasus, Aleksandr Khloponin, is putatively pressing ahead with “non-standard” solutions for the North Caucasus in order to quell the sway of the insurgency in the region.
While it is hard to discern currently how Moscow’s approach to the North Caucasus will change and whether the changes will be as radical as Kavkaz Center claims, there is certainly some supportive evidence testifying to the looming crisis of the current model of governance in the region.
Paradoxically, having fought two wars with Chechen separatists and winning the second one, Moscow now controls Chechnya least among the North Caucasian republics. Ramzan Kadyrov eliminates his political rivals in the streets of Moscow, makes Russian foreign policy statements and is even planning to open Chechnya’s representative offices abroad. Chechnya under formal Moscow’s control is currently in many ways much more Islamic than it was under the Ichkerian government of Aslan Maskhadov prior to the start of the second Russian-Chechen war in 1999. Most disturbingly for Moscow and Khloponin, the state of Kadyrov’s rule in Chechnya is such that it can hardly be reformed. The only way of going ahead with changes in Chechnya is removing Kadyrov from his position.
Kadyrov’s government and Chechens have been much on the Russian media’s radar screen recently as several clashes and crimes have caused a public outcry across the country. The latest incident was a clash between young Chechen holidaymakers and local residents in the Krasnodar region on July 25. Following the fistfight and departure of 400 Chechen tourists, Chechnya’s human rights ombudsman Nurdi Nukhazhiev stated that the incident should be given a political assessment by Moscow in order to avoid repercussions for the Sochi Olympics. According to the Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot) website, over ten mass fistfights involving Chechens have taken place in various Russian regions this spring and summer (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, July 29).
Kadyrov has repeatedly boasted of bringing the insurgency in Chechnya to the brink of collapse, but the promised end to the insurgency has not arrived. In fact, elsewhere in the North Caucasus it has become much worse than it used to be. The rise of violence in Kabardino-Balkaria in the past several months culminated in the rebel seizure and destruction of the Baksan hydroelectric plant on July 21. The insurgent strike cast doubts not only on the government’s ability to ensure the safety of critical infrastructure, but also on the much-advertized large-scale investment plans for the North Caucasus.
Meanwhile, Doku Umarov made a surprising announcement on who would succeed him as Emir of the Caucasus Emirate in case he were killed or arrested. He named Emir Aslanbek (aka Aslanbek Vadalov), a well-known rebel in Chechnya who is head of militant forces in the east of the republic, as his successor (www.kavkazcenter.com, July 24). In April, some media sources alleged that Umarov was leaving Chechnya via Georgia to Turkey to undergo medical treatment, but Umarov refuted this claim (www.kavkasia.net, April 9). Umarov’s predecessor in the position of Chechen insurgent leader, Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev, named Uamrov as his successor in June 2006, one year before he was killed by the Russian security services.
Doku Umarov reorganized what was originally a Chechen resistance to Russia’s invasion into a North Caucasus-wide movement. The Chechen secular nationalists criticized the creation of the Caucasus Emirate, claiming it undermined the Chechen quest for independence from Russia. As an umbrella organization, however, the Caucasus Emirate gave the impetus to the numerous and growing rebel groups across the North Caucasus that had already been in place by 2007.
Kadyrov’s replacement as president of Chechnya has almost certainly been on Moscow’s agenda for some time now, but Khloponin’s arrival in the North Caucasus made the need for it more relevant. Another challenge for Moscow is to exercise at least the same level of control over the North Caucasus with fewer resources available because of the bleak economic outlook for the country. The Sochi Olympics and growing Circassian political activism pose yet another problem.
Despite all this, it would still be very problematic for any Moscow leader to pursue a policy of compromise with the North Caucasian insurgency, as this would scrap the previous ten or more years of Russian policies in the region and be perceived by the general population and the army as capitulation. At the same time, such unusual and unexpected moves by Moscow as the creation of the North Caucasus Federal District and economist Aleksandr Khloponin’s appointment as Moscow’s envoy to the region suggest the Russian government may potentially adopt a more creative path to reach its goals in the North Caucasus.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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