Politics
Molotov-Ribbentrop: Pact’s Bitter Legacy Remains In Eastern Europe
Reading Time: 5 minutesValentins Trojans remembers the marauding bands of Red Army soldiers going from farmhouse to farmhouse in his rural Latvia, looting watches, shoes, and clothing.
By Brian Whitmore
Valentins Trojans remembers the marauding bands of Red Army soldiers going from farmhouse to farmhouse in his rural Latvia, looting watches, shoes, and clothing.
Harijs Ruks recalls being interrogated by a sadistic Soviet officer who kicked him brutally with steel-toed boots.
And Elza Burkite recollects how occupying Russian forces seized a young mother, whose son had vanished into the Latvian forests to join up with anti-Soviet partisans.
"Do you know what they did to that mother? They tied ropes around her arms and lit them. They burned her, tortured her in many ways to force her to talk. But the mother said, ‘I don’t know.’ And she lost her mind," Burkite said in an oral history provided to RFE/RL by the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia.
"She had a black overcoat of some sort; they didn’t have much to wear, just what they had on when they were seized. And the mother — they were serving breakfast and she threw the overcoat onto the guard. They took her out and shot her. That’s how they behaved."
Such bitter memories take on fresh significance this week, as Europe marks the 70th anniversary of the secret pact between Josef Stalin and Adolf Hitler to divide the continent between them on the eve of World War II.
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, named for Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov and his German counterpart Joachim von Ribbentrop, was signed on August 23, 1939 in Moscow.
Formally a nonaggression pact, the agreement also included a secret protocol dividing Northern and Eastern Europe into German and Soviet "spheres of influence."
The deal resulted in Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, and Romania’s Bessarabia region — which is today Moldova — suffering brutal occupations under both the Soviets and the Nazis.
It also led to much of the region being forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union after the war. (A sixth country claimed in the protocol, Finland, rebuffed a Soviet invasion but lost its eastern region of Karelia to the USSR.)
‘Incomprehensible and Terrifying’
Valters Nollendorfs, the deputy director of the Latvian occupation museum and a professor emeritus at the University of Wisconsin, says these small countries, sandwiched between two of the 20th century’s most nefarious regimes, had two enemies and no place to turn.
"We were stuck in the middle. One thing that we could not fight for was Latvian independence," Nollendorfs told RFE/RL in a recent interview.
"The only time when the Latvians could fight [for themselves] was in the partisan war after [World War II] ended. And actually, into the 1950s, there was partisan activity in the Latvian forests."
Seventy years later, Poland and the Baltic countries are independent states and members of the European Union. Moldova, while independent, continues to struggle as Europe’s poorest country.
But a resurgent Russia has sparked fears of new "spheres of influence" — with the Molotov-Ribbentrop anniversary emphasizing the acute anxiety these small nations feel about their fates falling prey to great powers with a hostile agenda.
The pact resulted in massive forced population movements as Soviet authorities deported hundreds of thousands of people from the Baltic states, Poland, and Moldova to Siberian labor camps.
Ethnic Russians later poured into these countries, dramatically altering their ethnic makeup and laying the ground for bitter disputes that continue to this day.
Indeed, many of the thorny ethnic problems that have plagued Eastern Europe since the 1991 Soviet breakup can be traced directly to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, including tensions involving Russian minorities in the Baltic states and between Romanian- and Russian-speakers in Moldova.
The prominent Moldovan writer, Aureliu Busuioc, was an 11-year-old boy when Soviet troops in June 1940 occupied Romania’s Bessarabia region, which ultimately was joined to the Moldavian Soviet Republic and remains part of what is now Moldova.
In a recent interview with RFE/RL’s Moldovan Service, Busuioc described the chaotic scene in Chisinau as residents scrambled to escape ahead of the Red Army’s advance.
"When we approached the town there was pandemonium. People were flocking to the center from all directions. The streets were filled with livestock, carriages, cars filled with baggage," Busuioc said.
"Some managed to escape. Some hastily left their homes with barely enough time to throw everything they needed into a suitcase. Some shouted and some cried. Something incomprehensible, and therefore frightening, was happening."
Busuioc said Soviet troops entered Chisinau a few days later. He said his mother later told him that "the Bessarabia we knew has become something different."
Shifting Borders
Hitler broke the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, taking back the territories ceded to Stalin less than two years earlier. During the Nazi occupations that followed, millions of the region’s Jews perished in concentration camps.
The Soviet Union reoccupied the countries at the end of the war, sparking a fresh wave of reprisals directed against alleged Nazi sympathizers.
"The person who won from it was Stalin, of course, because he didn’t have to become involved in a war with Britain and France — and he was desperate to avoid war at that point," says Richard Overy, a professor of history at the University of Exeter in the United Kingdom and the author of numerous books on World War II.
"It also gave him, at last, leverage in Eastern Europe, which he’d not been able to achieve throughout the 1920s and 1930s."
After the war, the Soviet Union gained direct control over the Baltic states and Moldova. The Soviet-Polish border was also pushed westward, as much of eastern Poland was incorporated into Soviet Ukraine and Belarus.
Mykold Lytvyn, director of the Ukrainian-Polish Relations Research Center at the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, notes that the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact essentially united the Ukrainian people in a single territory, albeit at great cost.
"We lost property that had been acquired over centuries: companies, shops, cooperatives that had been built by many generations," Lytvyn told RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service.
"Farmers were pulled away from their land; we saw the establishment of communes and collective farms… We began losing civil rights. The fall of 1939 saw the elimination of large [Ukrainian] cultural societies. People were torn from their national roots."
On August 23, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania will mark the 70th anniversary of the pact’s signing with a series of events honoring the 1989 Baltic Way, or Baltic Chain, in which an estimated 2 million people formed a human chain across the 600-kilometer stretch linking Tallinn, Riga, and Vilnius.
That demonstration 20 years ago was considered essential in pressuring Mikheil Gorbachev and Soviet authorities to publicly acknowledge the pact for the first time, on December 24, 1989.
The countries have also used the anniversary to call attention to mounting concern over Russia’s resurgent influence.
In an open letter to U.S. President Barack Obama, published in the Polish daily "Gazeta Wyborcza" on July 16, some 22 prominent thinkers and former officials from Eastern Europe called on Washington to pay closer attention to the region as Russia seeks to reassert its authority.
These is also deep concern over Russia’s close relations with Germany today, especially in the energy sector.
"Certainly there has been apprehension," Nollendorfs said.
"Sometimes in the press you even find editorials and letters to the editor that express the notion that there is a new Hitler-Stalin pact in the making. I think that’s overblown, but you can understand where it is coming from."
RFE/RL’s Moldovan and Ukrainian services contributed to this report
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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