Politics
Moldova: OSCE Election-Monitoring Chief Defends Office’s Record
Reading Time: 6 minutesThe Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) came under fire in particular after the April 5 elections in Moldova, which gave the ruling Communists a landslide victory but was marred by bitter accusations of violations from the opposition and triggered violent demonstrations.
The election-monitoring arm of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has recently come under criticism for what was described as growing timidity and caution in assessing elections in some countries in the ex-Soviet space.
The Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) came under fire in particular after the April 5 elections in Moldova, which gave the ruling Communists a landslide victory but was marred by bitter accusations of violations from the opposition and triggered violent demonstrations.
RFE/RL correspondent Eugen Tomiuc talked to the ODIHR’s director, Ambassador Janez Lenarcic of Slovenia, about the Moldovan election and the criticism that ODIHR may have been intimidated or subjected to pressure by Russia.
RFE/RL: ODIHR has come under some criticism for its assessment of the recent election in Moldova. ODIHR’s postelection press release was seen as too lenient toward the ruling Communists, despite mentioning several shortcomings of the voting process. Opposition parties, some observers and watchdogs, and a consistent part of the Moldovan public said that the violations mentioned in the press release were serious enough to alter the results decisively. Given the gravity of some of the violations, wasn’t the ODIHR’s conclusion somewhat rushed?
Janez Lenarcic: We’ve noted with some concern some media reports about our supposedly too-positive assessment and I have to say that most of these reports somewhat overlooked our assessment, which is pretty clear. It was a statement on preliminary conclusions and findings which was issued a day after the election and it contains both positive and negative aspects of the election process. It was never said by our office that these elections were great or that they were totally positive.
RFE/RL: The press release contains a statement by Petros Efthymiou, head of the delegation of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, who says: "I am delighted with the progress of democracy in Moldova. These elections were very good and they gave me great confidence in the future of this country." Doesn’t this statement fit the definition of a positive assessment?
Lenarcic: This quote appears in the press release but it is a quote attributed not to our office, but to one of our partner organizations, in this case the Parliamentary Assembly.
But, you see, it should not be taken out of context. The press release, which is, as a whole, quite balanced and in our view reflects what was happening, and it should also not be taken out of the context defined by the preliminary statement, which I have to note here, was agreed by all partners — parliamentary assemblies and our [ODIHR] office.
RFE/RL: I agree with you, but the point is that such a statement gives to the international media, the international community, or even the parties involved in the election process a general feeling that it was a stamp of approval for how the poll was conducted, in spite of pretty serious allegations of fraud, multiple voting, intimidation, and inaccuracies in the voter lists.
Lenarcic: I do take your point. However, one should not take from the press release or the preliminary statement only the positive things. If you look at the title of our press release, it says, "Moldova’s elections met many international standards, but further improvements are needed."
You see, apparently some people were looking for some sentences that would justify their claim that our assessment was too positive, but I believe that claim is false. Our assessment was balanced, in my view.
Now the cardinal question that some people asked was how did these shortcomings that we identified before the demonstrations, how did they affect the result? That is difficult to say on every occasion. While it is difficult to quantify fraud, if detected, it is more difficult, if not impossible, to quantify the impact of issues like media coverage, like deficiencies in voter lists, intimidation, misuse of administrative resources, and many other shortcomings and problems that we did identify. However, our assessment continues to stand.
RFE/RL: When will the final statement on the elections be published, and if you could anticipate, are the conclusions going to differ from those of the preliminary statement?
Lenarcic: We could expect our final report to be ready by the end of this month or early next month. The question whether its conclusions would significantly differ — well, that depends on the additional information that we may receive or may have received after the election day. But what we have so far is already reflected in the postelection interim report.
Let me just say that certainly the demonstrations and violence after the elections shed quite a negative light on the whole process. In a way they are a reflection of the lack of trust, of public confidence to a certain extent, at least in some parts of the population, and we have identified this lack of confidence in the electoral process already in our statement after the election day. What followed was actually a confirmation of many things that we said.
Lowering The Democracy Bar
RFE/RL: Since ODIHR has long been regarded as the ultimate international authority in election monitoring, its stamp of approval or disapproval of an election bears immense weight in giving international legitimacy to the winners. Or, critics say, the lukewarm nod given recently to highly controversial votes in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and now Moldova, is contributing to the international recognition of undemocratic or not-so-democratic regimes. How do you answer the criticism that ODIHR has lowered the bar?
Lenarcic: That is certainly not what we believe is the case. I will not be able to comment on Armenia, because that was before my time as director of ODIHR, but I can clearly tell you that with regard to Azerbaijan, our office was criticized for being too negative by several quarters.
I could not agree to the claim that we have lowered the bar. Certainly not. Our bar, our standard remains the same and these are the commitments. And, we always apply commitments to the situation in the field: what we find out is almost never totally black or totally white, but somewhere in between. Most often it’s many shades of gray.
That’s why these assessments need to be read carefully. If we say certain elections met "many" international standards, that is different from when we say they met "most" standards. This is something most people failed to notice with regard to Moldova.
RFE/RL: Some commentators have pointed to the fact that the democratic opposition in former Soviet states is becoming disillusioned with the OSCE and ODIHR and the way they arbitrate elections. How would you reply to such an allegation?
Lenarcic: I would not be able to agree that ODIHR is in a position to arbitrate elections. We assess, on the basis of what we observe. These are not just technicalities. It’s important that this process is professional, fact-based, and some consistent methodology is applied. That’s what we do. We do not comment the results, we assess the process.
I can understand the disillusionment of all people who would like to see the democratic process develop faster and further in certain countries. But it is not ODIHR that can deliver that, it is their own governments.
On the other hand, there is quite a number of governments that are very much displeased with what we do, and continue to claim that our assessments are politicized and that we only criticize elections in one specific part of the OSCE area and so on. People should just understand that we are not in the business of trying to please either the government or the opposition.
RFE/RL: Since you’ve just mentioned the accusations of political bias, there were some allegations that the perceived leniency shown recently by OSCE election monitors in the former Soviet space is the result of Russian pressure. Some even speak about an "instinctive impulse" in the organization to somehow accommodate Russia. Has ODIHR faced such pressure, or any other form of pressure, political or financial, during its monitoring missions?
Lenarcic: During the monitoring missions — never, since I have been here. On the other hand, yes, there are countries which are not entirely satisfied with our assessments, countries who believe that our assessments are politicized, but we reject those claims strongly."
RFE/RL: Could you name such countries?
Lenarcic: Well, you know who they are, and this was also one of the reasons that I traveled to the Russian Federation very early in my term and I tried to present our case that we are not in the business of political tailoring of our election assessments.
RFE/RL: Was your point taken?
Lenarcic: I think so, because I have to say that the relationship and the cooperation between the Russian Federation and our office have been fairly good. I could also note that just recently, when after long negotiations the OSCE was able to reach an agreement on the OSCE budget, that agreement included a significant increase for our [ODIHR] office, so you should not overlook the fact that also the Russian Federation and other countries have agreed to this.
And I take it as a demonstration of the willingness to engage constructively with our office. That willingness is there, and has been there and should not be confused with some negative political statement that may occur here and there.
RFE/RL: Did you sense any other type of pressure — overt or covert — on ODIHR?
Lenarcic: Never. On the contrary, I was received very well during my visit to Moscow. My points were taken, their concerns were also communicated to us, and I tried to address them in the same way, saying very plainly that our office is not taking any political considerations as the basis of our work. The bases of our work are commitments and these commitments apply equally to all countries in the OSCE. On the other hand, of course, the gap between the commitment and reality varies, and that contributes to the difference in our reports or assessments about election processes.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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