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Moldova- EU’s failed “success story”

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Since the signing of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Moldova in April 2014, the EU membership has become a clear prospective for the 25 year-old country. Coincidence or not, the same Agreement was proposed to Ukraine and Georgia in the context of Russian expansion: Crimea annexation and intervention in Donbass.

Perhaps the association deal was a tool for the EU to think of the countries in the very proximity of Russia’s sphere of influence as of friendly partners. Speaking about them, the deal was a generator of hope for future investment, freedom of movement and sustainable economic development.

Meeting little critics, the EU has closed its eyes on the lack of concrete, progressive reforms and then, lack of interest to fight high-level corruption and frauds in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia.

Taking Moldova’s path in particular, it can be said that the so-called “Pro-European” governing parties (Liberal-Democrats, Liberals and Democrats) actually gave up on continuing promised reforms by promoting the obtained visa-free regime within the EU as the main achievement since the independence. Even the terms and the legal conditions asked by Brussels to be implemented have been applied in a less than 50% ratio. After ratifying the Agreement quickly, the Pro-European majority didn’t just neglect the promises made to both the EU and people. These parties simply immersed into the mud of sharing influential positions, improving the corruption and fraud schemes and then performing Hollywood-ish political shows.

Heroes are to be known, so here are the main actors of the “Moldovan Fail” movie:
1. Vlad Filat- Liberal-Democrat, once the most popular politician. Reportedly, from 2009 until now he had control over the Customs Office, the Ministry of Healthcare, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finances, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Arrested for bank frauds and huge extortion from a businessman, involved in the insolvency of three big Moldovan banks.
His party is now out of the coalition and is about to enter a state of opposition.
2. Liberals led by the eccentric Mihai Ghimpu, supposedly Pro-Romanian and Pro-NATO, besides Pro-EU. The party members close to him still have control over the Transportation Ministry, the Defense Ministry, the Education Ministry and the city council of Chișinău. Ghimpu broke the coalition once by asking a reform of the prosecution and justice system. Joined back, gave up on the old principles and is open to cooperate with the Liberal-Democrats on one hand, and the Communists (diametrical enemy), after being kindly asked by Democrats, on the other.
3. Democrats owned by the oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc. Key role in the coalition due to the great financial and political power. Despite having few MPs, Plahotniuc managed to have in his hands key institutions: Speaker of the Parliament, the Ministry of Economy, the Secret Services, the General Prosecution Office, several high-profile judges and prosecutors and the Anti-Corruption Center (that arrested Filat). He has been showing secrecy and strength at the same time by threatening and blackmailing political opponents. Nevertheless, he’s able to control even the Pro-Russian opposition.
4. Opposition- the Communists and the Socialists. The latter supported the voting of a Pro-European President, but now are criticizing him and the majority through protests. Communists tend to adapt to the Pro-European idea, in order to survive on the political ring. Neither of these represents a real, trustworthy opposition.Just before the end of 2015, some 14 Communists MPs left the party and joined the Democrat caucus to form the so-called Social-Democrat Platform, supposed to compete with the extreme leftist Socialists.
5. People. Fed by promises and European future, they forgot to claim them even during relatively good governments. The mass-protests began only in spring 2015, when the famous one billion fraud from the banks was discovered and the public opinion realized that Moldova is about to be bankrupt and financially unreliable. They are struggling now to form some specific claims, but cannot find a clear national leader. Even the protest movement organized by the Civic Platform “Dignity and Truth” galvanized too little in the minds of the governors and made no change in the policies or the quality of life in 2015. It barely showed leadership, unity and clear determination.
6. European Union. The multiple visits of European leaders and the investment done has fed too much the trust of the parties from the Government. The EU has managed to show the light at the end of the tunnel for Moldova, but it didn’t tell Moldovans to stand up from the knees by themselves, even in pain. Even if that pain is a sweet-lying one.

The recent attempt of the President Nicolae Timofti to designate Ion Sturza as a technocrat Prime-Minister was met with overwhelmed coldness by the Democrats and the former Communists, later by the Liberals, let alone the Socialists and the core Communists. The extraordinary session from the 4 of January this year, supposed for giving the confidence vote for the new Government, failed due to lack of quorum: 53 MPs out of 101 prefered to stay home rather than examining a reforms program in a period of deep crisis. This directed rejection of a reformist Government was the last of drop in the cup of disgrace of the citizens, who were asking themselves whether a lack of quorum means a rejection according to the Constitution. The second and the last legal round of negotiations for forming a new “Pro-European” majority and for voting a new Government started, but the probability of announcing preliminary Parliamentary elections is higher as the parties are too stubborn to give up on occupied profitable state institutions to make some space for independent, “too” reformist professionals. High is the probability that the Pro-Russian Socialists and the partisans of the eccentric Renato Usatîi (and why not, the members of the Social-Democrat Platform) would get enough votes to form a Government in case of preliminary elections in spring, as the centrist and the right-wing voters show little interest or big repugnance for their parties. New Pro-European alternatives appeared: the Dignity and Truth Party, helped by the civic movement, and the Solidarity and Action Party, led by former World Bank consultant and Education Minister. The problem is that the current governing political class from the Parliament doesn’t want to allow any outsiders from the civil society and the professional groups to seize power. There is no doubt or surprise that the Democrat Plahotniuc and his allies are interested in keeping the status-quo. And he does think he can control the situation. The insiders thus want to control the permissive democracy of Moldova.

Now, when EU’s success story is about to fail as a democratic state because of the failures of the political class, people of Moldova see no hope for a better life or even peace. The region is in deep crisis: Ukraine is at war, European Union tries to cope with the migration flows, Russia thinks too much of its military position and too little about its economic struggles. Not even the Association Agreement has managed to ensure Moldova’s stability and integrity, taking the separatist Transnistria in account. It failed from inside.
Romania also reset its brotherhood policy with Moldova: reforms or no money given, transparency in the Pro-European Government or no support in the European Parliament, fair justice or no technical assistance, etc. Still, Romania has not closed its arms to a hug with Moldova, a economical and political union, as it occurred in 1918. It generally (65% acceptance of the Union) accepts and welcomes Moldova as a integral part, while in the “Republic” the idea is clearly supported only by some 20% yet.

So, let the people decide whether Moldova is in a dead end or in a crucial point for change.

Later edit on 9 of January 2016.

Correspondent reporter of Moldova.org Focus: Transnistrian conflict settlement, Eastern Partnership. Inquiries at [email protected]

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#WorldForUkraine – a map that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression

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The international community and volunteers from all over te world have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against the Russian aggression. In a digital world – it is an interactive map of public support of Ukrainians under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.”

„Today, along with the political and military support, emotional connection with the civilized world and truthful information are extremely important for Ukraine. The power to do it is in your hands. Join the #WorldForUkraine project and contribute to the victorious battle against the bloodshed inflicted on Ukraine by the aggression of the Russian Federation”, says the „about the project” section of the platform.

Go to the streets — Tell people — Connect and Unite — Become POWERFUL

Volunteers have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression. In digital world – it is an INTERACTIVE MAP of public support of Ukrainians worldforukraine.net under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.” There you may find information about past and future rallies in your city in support of Ukraine. This is a permanent platform for Ukrainian diaspora and people all over the world concerned about the situation in Ukraine.

So here’s a couple of things you could do yourself to help:

* if there is a political rally in your city, then participate in it and write about it on social media with geolocation and the hashtag #WorldForUkraine

* if there are no rallies nearby, organize one in support of Ukraine yourself, write about it on social media with geolocation adding the hashtag #WorldForUkraine

The map will add information about gathering by #WorldForUkraine AUTOMATICALLY

Your voice now stronger THAN ever

All rallies are already here: https://worldforukraine.net

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How is Moldova managing the big influx of Ukrainian refugees? The authorities’ plan, explained 

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From 24th to 28th of February, 71 359 Ukrainian citizens entered the territory of Republic of Moldova. 33 173 of them left the country. As of this moment, there are 38 186 Ukrainian citizens in Moldova, who have arrived over the past 100 hours. 

The Moldovan people and authorities have organized themselves quickly from the first day of war between Russia and Ukraine. However, in the event of a prolonged armed conflict and a continuous influx of Ukrainian refugees, the efforts and donations need to be efficiently managed. Thus, we inquired about Moldova’s long-term plan and the state’s capacity to receive, host, and treat a bigger number of refugees. 

On February 26th, the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Moldova approved the Regulation of organization and functioning of the temporary Placement Center for refugees and the staffing and expenditure rules. According to the Regulation, the Centers will have the capacity of temporary hosting and feeding at least 20 persons, for a maximum of 3 months, with the possibility of extending this period. The Centers will also offer legal, social, psychological, and primary medical consultations to the refugees. The Center’s activity will be financed from budget allocations, under Article 19 of Provision no. 1 of the Exceptional Situations Commission from February 24th, 2022, and from other sources of funding that do not contravene applicable law.

The Ministry of Inner Affairs and the Government of Moldova facilitated the organization of the volunteers’ group “Moldova for Peace”.  Its purpose is to receive, offer assistance and accommodation to the Ukrainian refugees. The group is still working on creating a structure, registering and contacting volunteers, etc. It does not activate under a legal umbrella. 

Lilia Nenescu, one of the “Moldova for Peace” volunteers, said that the group consists of over 20 people. Other 1700 registered to volunteer by filling in this form, which is still available. The group consists of several departments: 

The volunteers’ department. Its members act as fixers: they’re responsible for connecting the people in need of assistance with the appropriate department. Some of the volunteers are located in the customs points. “The Ministry of Inner Affairs sends us every day the list of the customs points where our assistance is needed, and we mobilize the volunteers”, says Lilia Nenescu. 

The Goods Department manages all the goods donated by the Moldavian citizens. The donations are separated into categories: non-perishable foods and non-food supplies. The volunteers of this department sort the goods into packages to be distributed. 

The Government intends to collect all the donations in four locations. The National Agency for Food Safety and the National Agency for Public Health will ensure mechanisms to confirm that all the deposited goods comply with safety and quality regulations. 

The Service Department operates in 4 directions and needs the volunteer involvement of specialists in psychology, legal assistance (the majority of the refugees only have Ukrainian ID and birth certificates of their children); medical assistance; translation (a part of the refugees are not Ukrainian citizens). 

According to Elena Mudrîi, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Health, so far there is no data about the number of  Covid-19 positive refugees. She only mentioned two cases that needed outpatient medical assistance: a pregnant woman and the mother of a 4-day-old child. 

The Accommodation Department. The volunteers are waiting for the centralized and updated information from the Ministry of Labor about the institutions offering accommodation, besides the houses offered by individuals. 

The Transport Department consists of drivers organized in groups. They receive notifications about the number of people who need transportation from the customs points to the asylum centers for refugees.

The municipal authorities of Chișinău announced that the Ukrainian children refugees from the capital city will be enrolled in educational institutions. The authorities also intend to create Day-Care Centers for children, where they will be engaged in educational activities and will receive psychological assistance. Besides, the refugees from the municipal temporary accommodation centers receive individual and group counseling. 

In addition to this effort, a group of volunteers consisting of Ana Gurău, Ana Popapa, and Andrei Lutenco developed, with the help of Cristian Coșneanu, the UArefugees platform, synchronized with the responses from this form. On the first day, 943 people offered their help using the form, and 110 people asked for help. According to Anna Gurău, the volunteers communicate with the Government in order to update the platform with the missing data. 

Translation from Romanian by Natalia Graur

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Opinion

Russia And Ukraine At The Beginning of 2022

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This opinion piece was written by Dr. Nicholas Dima. Dr. Dima was formerly a Professor of Geography and Geopolitics at Djibouti University, St. Mary’s University College and James Madison University. From 1975 to 1985 and from 1989 to 2001, Dr. Dima was a Writer and Field Reporter at Voice of America. The opinion does not necessarily represent the opinion of the editorial staff of Moldova.org.

***

The 21st Century Russian Federation is a rebirth of the 19-th Century Tsarist Empire; a huge territory inhabited by hundreds of ethnic groups held together by an authoritarian government. Having acquired a diversity of lands and peoples that would not freely want to be together, Moscow has to be on guard. It has to keep an eye on those who are inside the federation and to make sure that no outsiders threaten its territory. Otherwise, in a nutshell, Ukraine is Russia’s biggest dilemma and Russia is Ukraine’s biggest nightmare!

In 1991 Moscow agreed reluctantly to the dissolution of the former USSR. Ukraine became independent and consented to give up its nuclear arsenal inherited from the Soviet Union in exchange for territorial guaranties. Russia did not keep its engagement. It violated the Minsk protocol and in 2014, after a hybrid war, annexed Crimea. At the same time, pro-Russian forces took over two important eastern Ukrainian regions, Lugansk and Donetsk, where the population is ethnically mixed and somehow pro-Russian.

Since the annexation of Crimea, Moscow has strengthened its military presence in the peninsula and in the Black and Azov Seas. Furthermore, it built a strategic bridge that connects Crimea with the Russian mainland. Then, Russia began to reject NATO activities in East Europe and to denounce the presence of the US Navy in the Black Sea as provocations. In order to counter NATO, Russia also brought some of its warships from the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea through the Volga-Don Canal.

During recent years, Ukraine approached the United States and NATO and asked for assistance and, eventually, for membership in the EU and possibly NATO. For Moscow, however, Ukraine is an essential buffer zone against the West. With President Vladimir Putin lamenting the dismemberment of the USSR and embracing the traditional Russian expansionist mentality, the perspective of Ukraine’s NATO membership would be an existential threat.

The current situation at the Russo-Ukrainian border is tense and the stakes are high. Neither country is satisfied with the status quo, but the choices are very risky. The important Donbas region of East Ukraine, controlled by pro-Russian forces, is in a limbo. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is losing support among the people and must defend his country’s integrity. Currently, Putin has the upper hand and military superiority on his side, but using brute force in the conflict could trigger further Western economic sanctions and even military hostility.

For now it seems that Moscow is mainly posturing, but the true Russian intentions are not clear. Thus, a miscalculation could trigger a catastrophe of international proportions. No one knows how the events will play out, but the danger is obvious. Moscow is playing with fire. Apparently, it does not want a full war, neither the current stalemate, nor a retreat. What does it want? It seems that Moscow knows what it wants, but not necessarily what it can!

Regionally, the situation between Europe and Russia is complex and internationally the world is confronted with threatening new realignments. With the help of Russia, Belarus has encouraged thousand of Middle East migrants to assail the Polish border and the European Union. Poland has mobilized its forces and NATO and EU are on alert. The three Baltic countries also feel threatened. And the recent Russo-Chinese economic cooperation and military rapprochement reinforce the international apprehension.

Since the dissolution of the USSR, Russia went through several uneasy stages. During the first years of transition toward a new political system Russia experienced economic decline and popular unrest. Then, Putin took over and managed to stabilize the country. Russia opted for security and stability instead of political democracy and economic prosperity. At the same time, Kremlin focused its resource on the military and strengthened Russia’s war capacity.

For the time being, Russia may want to perpetuate the current situation and to keep Ukraine under its thumb. However, things are not static and sometimes they move unpredictably. What if Ukraine does become a NATO member? Then, it will be impossible for Russia to challenge Kyiv without triggering a devastating war. On the other hand, waiting is not in Russia’s advantage. Demographically, ethnic Russians are declining and the non-Russians, mostly Muslims, are fast increasing. The continuous emigration to the West of many Russians is not helping the population balance either. This trend will almost certainly renew old conflicts especially in the unsettled Caucasus region…

Attacking Ukraine now, overtly or through a hybrid war, would be risky for Russia and would not bring a lasting solution to the dispute. The war could destabilize Kyiv and even dismember Ukraine, but it would also destabilize the Russian Federation. The  present tension will probably be diffused, but the next time around, in about 10 to 20 years, Putin will be gone, Moscow itself will be in disarray, Caucasian Muslims will be asking openly for independence and Ukraine will be ready and capable to fight Russia.

A Russo-Ukrainian war, now or later, will immediately have regional effects engaging Belarus and most likely Poland, the Baltic States, Moldova, Romania and implicitly NATO. Romania, for example, will follow its western allies, but it could not ignore the fact that certain formerly Romanian lands are now part of Ukraine. As for Moldova, beyond the facts that Moldovans are Romanians, its Transnistrian (Transdnestr) area is entirely under Russian control and in an eventual war will be used by Moscow against Ukraine.

Nicholas Dima, January 1,  2022

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