Society
In Russia, political anecdotes point to changes ahead
Reading Time: 5 minutesMore than perhaps in any other country, anecdotes in Russia not only provide insights into the nature of politics there but also serve, perhaps more reliably than anything else, as indicators of either continuity or impending change, in the latter case often far earlier than any other measure.
By Paul Goble
More than perhaps in any other country, anecdotes in Russia not only provide insights into the nature of politics there but also serve, perhaps more reliably than anything else, as indicators of either continuity or impending change, in the latter case often far earlier than any other measure.
Today, Moscow commentator Konstantin Remchukov writes in “Nezavisimaya gazeta-Politika,” “political anecdotes are becoming different and more funny,” an indication that a 2009 is drawing to a close, “something is changing in Russia” although it is still too early to be certain exactly what and how (www.ng.ru/ng_politics/2009-12-15/9_2powers.html?mthree=1).
But it is not just anecdotes that are changing, he suggests. For a few days in October, the Duma actually resembled a parliament when its members protested election results. “Everyone recalls the advice of the head of the MVD to resist unjustifiably aggressive militiamen.” And Russians have paid more attentinto disasters and protests than in the past.
On top of that came President Dmitry Medvedev’s “unexpected essay, ‘Russia, Forward!’,” a document that presented “an anti-paternalistic platform, with a stress on the individual strengths of the personality, the market and freedom” and one so remarkable that it was discussed for two months in the hopes that it would represent a breakthrough.
When Medvedev delivered his message to the Federal Assembly, however, “no real political and institutional structures of modernization were presented.” And a few days later, the Congress of United Russia adopted its “program of Russian conservatism,” which pointed in an entirely different direction.
“Thus,” the Moscow commentator continues, “the Medvedev themes of change and the unbearable quality of paternalism and its incompatibility with the ideals and values of the contemporary state were enveloped in a conservative jacket. In a conservative context, one might say.”
Moreover, “it became ever more evident” that Vladimir Putin had “thought through all the risks connected with the temporary departure from presidential responsibilities” and even retained for himself “the post of the leader of the party so that the new president could not automatically take control of it.”
In addition, Putin’s four-hour-long television visit with the people was clearly arranged so that people would hear the following message: “I will soon return, social expenditures will grow at still higher tempos, and the government will not leave you in the lurch,” a very different message than Medvedev had been sending and one that has drawn little support.
Drawing on the works of Joseph Schumpeter, Remchukov points out both that entrepreneurs play a key role in societal transformations and that the economic and social progress which they promote tends to spread “as a result of the diffusion of two types of innovation”: organizational and informational technology.
In Russia, the Moscow analyst argues, the former is especially important given the size and role of the state in the economy, and change becomes an increasingly obvious necessity as daily reports about “tragedies, catastrophes, accidents, explosions and fires shows the inability of the [Russian] bureaucracy to effectively fulfill its functions.”
But this situation also shows, Remchukov suggests, that “the corrupt bureaucracy is being transformed into an independent economic and even political player, pitilessly defending its own material interests,” which in many cases are tied up with ownership of land, “the most natural manifestation of the deficit nature of an economy of our type.”
All that makes the bureaucracy extraordinarily dangerous to the future of the country, Remchukov says, noting that Albert Speer had told Hitler that the German bureaucracy was behaving in such a way that it was becoming “the main cause of the defeat of Germany” in World War II.
Even if one finds that hyperbolic, Remchukov suggests, “at a minimum it forces us to think again about the terrible potential of the destructive power of the bureaucracy,” a destructive power that is manifested in very different ways at the political level than many people now appear to think.
Speer, for example, noted that “’Churchill and Roosevelt without the slightest vacillation forced their peoples to bear all the burdens of war.’” But in Germany, “‘the authoritative regime strove to win the sympathy of the people.’ That is, democratically elected and thinking leaders told the people the truth about the situation … But the authoritarian bureaucracy only plays with the people … [and] does not speak the truth.”
“Playing with the people in this way,” the Moscow commentator continues, “is a sign of a backward state, backward in the sense of not being a contemporary on,” and “a sign of the underdevelopment of democratic institutions and procedures,” but not just those but the society itself. Unfortunately, precisely that kind of approach is in evidence in Russia now.
Democracy requires not simply a set of institutions by which the people can choose its representatives who can then make decisions for the common good, Remchukov says. It requires the existence of “rational opinion” among the people who will vote their interests and values rather than be led astray.
“This is a problem for Russia” because “it is possible to organize elections” where “people will vote for an irrational opinion.” Russians ignore the problems in the country and vote “with their hearts, emotions, and feelings but not with their rationality.” Many of them “do not consider elections as a way to improve their lot or even an occasion to speak to the powerful.”
That reality, one that Putin very much understands, represents “a serious barrier” to what Medvedev says he wants to do. But the situation is further complicated by the following reality, Remchukov says. “The economically and socially active young in practice don’t want federal television channels.
The very people “who 10 to 20 years from now will define the economics and politics of Russia do not watch television and they do not go to vote. “ They thus constitute a “different” Russia than the one that does watch television and does vote for the party of power regardless of their situations.
This generational divide may not help Medvedev immediately, but it poses a serious threat to what Putin is trying to do at least in the future. This rising generation “sees the greatness of Russia in a different way,” and it evaluates the country on its ability to create “conditions for the self-realization of the creative potential of the person.”
“The new patriotism consists in the establishment of those institutions of freedom, democracy, business, and innovation which correspond in the greatest possible way to the flowering of the individual.” It is not going to develop the country in the “sharashka” style of the Stalinist model.
That reality points to changes ahead, but Medvedev may not be the person to lead them. However much he believes in the ideas of “Russia, Forward!” the Kremlin leader has not created a personal command as Putin has, although perhaps he could create a new political party “directed at the modernization of Russia.”
The current tandem, however, has had one important consequence, Remchukov says: “two sources of power for Russia is a good thing,” and “in the current year, the number of genuinely free people in the country has doubled. There are now two; all the rest are not completely free.”
“All the rest are not completely free,” Remchukov argues. “Fear gives birth to conformism, and conformism to stagnation, because no one wants change” at least among the existing elites, whose members will do almost anything to hang onto power even if they must sacrifice the country in the process.
“Democracy,” the Moscow commentator says, “is a special means of avoiding [such] power dependence,” but introducing it requires not just institutions but cultural change. Russians have built “enclave capitalism. Now perhaps is the turn of enclave modernization?” If so, that will fail, but the anecdotes have changed and so there is a chance for a breakthrough.
Society
“They are not needy, but they need help”. How Moldovan volunteers try to create a safe environment for the Ukrainian refugees
At the Government’s ground floor, the phones ring constantly, the laptop screens never reach standby. In one corner of the room there is a logistics planning meeting, someone has a call on Zoom with partners and donors, someone else finally managed to take a cookie and make some coffee. Everyone is exhausted and have sleepy red eyes, but the volunteers still have a lot of energy and dedication to help in creating a safe place for the Ukrainian refugees.
“It’s like a continuous bustle just so you won’t read the news. You get home sometimes and you don’t have time for news, and that somehow helps. It’s a kind of solidarity and mutual support,” says Vlada Ciobanu, volunteer responsible for communication and fundraising.
The volunteers group was formed from the very first day of war. A Facebook page was created, where all types of messages immediately started to flow: “I offer accommodation”, “I want to help”, “I want to get involved”, “Where can I bring the products?”, “I have a car and I can go to the customs”. Soon, the authorities also started asking for volunteers’ support. Now they all work together, coordinate activities and try to find solutions to the most difficult problems.
Is accommodation needed for 10, 200 or 800 people? Do you need transportation to the customs? Does anyone want to deliver 3 tons of apples and does not know where? Do you need medicine or mobile toilets? All these questions require prompt answers and actions. Blankets, sheets, diapers, hygiene products, food, clothes – people bring everything, and someone needs to quickly find ways of delivering them to those who need them.
Sometimes this collaboration is difficult, involves a lot of bureaucracy, and it can be difficult to get answers on time. “Republic of Moldova has never faced such a large influx of refugees and, probably because nobody thought this could happen, a mechanism of this kind of crisis has not been developed. Due to the absence of such a mechanism that the state should have created, we, the volunteers, intervened and tried to help in a practical way for the spontaneous and on the sport solutions of the problems,” mentions Ecaterina Luțișina, volunteer responsible for the refugees’ accommodation.
Ana Maria Popa, one of the founders of the group “Help Ukrainians in Moldova/SOS Українці Молдовa” says that the toughest thing is to find time and have a clear mind in managing different procedures, although things still happen somehow naturally. Everyone is ready to intervene and help, to take on more responsibilities and to act immediately when needed. The biggest challenges arise when it is necessary to accommodate large families, people with special needs, for which alternative solutions must be identified.
Goods and donations
The volunteers try to cope with the high flow of requests for both accommodation and products of all kinds. “It came to me as a shock and a panic when I found out that both mothers who are now in Ukraine, as well as those who found refuge in our country are losing their milk because of stress. We are trying to fill an enormous need for milk powder, for which the demand is high and the stocks are decreasing”, says Steliana, the volunteer responsible for the distribution of goods from the donation centers.
Several centers have been set up to collect donations in all regions of Chisinau, and volunteers are redirecting the goods to where the refugees are. A system for processing and monitoring donations has already been established, while the volunteer drivers take over the order only according to a unique code.
Volunteers from the collection centers also do the inventory – the donated goods and the distributed goods. The rest is transported to Vatra deposit, from where it is distributed to the placement centers where more than 50 refugees are housed.
When they want to donate goods, but they don’t know what would be needed, people are urged to put themselves in the position of refugees and ask themselves what would they need most if they wake up overnight and have to hurriedly pack their bags and run away. Steliana wants to emphasise that “these people are not needy, but these people need help. They did not choose to end up in this situation.”
Furthermore, the volunteer Cristina Sîrbu seeks to identify producers and negotiate prices for products needed by refugees, thus mediating the procurement process for NGOs with which she collaborates, such as Caritas, World Children’s Fund, Polish Solidarity Fund, Lifting hands, Peace Corps and others.
One of the challenges she is facing now is the identifying a mattress manufacturer in the West, because the Moldovan mattress manufacturer that has been helping so far no longer has polyurethane, a raw material usually imported from Russia and Ukraine.
Cristina also needs to find solutions for the needs of the volunteer groups – phones, laptops, gsm connection and internet for a good carrying out of activities.
Hate messages
The most difficult thing for the communication team is to manage the hate messages on the social networks, which started to appear more often. “Even if there is some sort of dissatisfaction from the Ukrainian refugees and those who offer help, we live now in a very diverse society, there are different kind of people, and we act very differently under stress,” said Vlada Ciobanu.
Translation by Cătălina Bîrsanu
Important
#WorldForUkraine – a map that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression
The international community and volunteers from all over te world have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against the Russian aggression. In a digital world – it is an interactive map of public support of Ukrainians under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.”
„Today, along with the political and military support, emotional connection with the civilized world and truthful information are extremely important for Ukraine. The power to do it is in your hands. Join the #WorldForUkraine project and contribute to the victorious battle against the bloodshed inflicted on Ukraine by the aggression of the Russian Federation”, says the „about the project” section of the platform.
Go to the streets — Tell people — Connect and Unite — Become POWERFUL
Volunteers have launched #WorldForUkraine as a platform that shows the magnitude of the world’s actions against Russian aggression. In digital world – it is an INTERACTIVE MAP of public support of Ukrainians worldforukraine.net under the hashtag #WorldForUkraine – rallies, flash mobs, protests around the world. In the physical dimension – it is your opportunity to take to the streets and declare: “No to Putin’s aggression, no to war.” There you may find information about past and future rallies in your city in support of Ukraine. This is a permanent platform for Ukrainian diaspora and people all over the world concerned about the situation in Ukraine.
So here’s a couple of things you could do yourself to help:
* if there is a political rally in your city, then participate in it and write about it on social media with geolocation and the hashtag #WorldForUkraine
* if there are no rallies nearby, organize one in support of Ukraine yourself, write about it on social media with geolocation adding the hashtag #WorldForUkraine
The map will add information about gathering by #WorldForUkraine AUTOMATICALLY
Your voice now stronger THAN ever
All rallies are already here: https://worldforukraine.net
Important
How is Moldova managing the big influx of Ukrainian refugees? The authorities’ plan, explained
From 24th to 28th of February, 71 359 Ukrainian citizens entered the territory of Republic of Moldova. 33 173 of them left the country. As of this moment, there are 38 186 Ukrainian citizens in Moldova, who have arrived over the past 100 hours.
The Moldovan people and authorities have organized themselves quickly from the first day of war between Russia and Ukraine. However, in the event of a prolonged armed conflict and a continuous influx of Ukrainian refugees, the efforts and donations need to be efficiently managed. Thus, we inquired about Moldova’s long-term plan and the state’s capacity to receive, host, and treat a bigger number of refugees.
On February 26th, the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Moldova approved the Regulation of organization and functioning of the temporary Placement Center for refugees and the staffing and expenditure rules. According to the Regulation, the Centers will have the capacity of temporary hosting and feeding at least 20 persons, for a maximum of 3 months, with the possibility of extending this period. The Centers will also offer legal, social, psychological, and primary medical consultations to the refugees. The Center’s activity will be financed from budget allocations, under Article 19 of Provision no. 1 of the Exceptional Situations Commission from February 24th, 2022, and from other sources of funding that do not contravene applicable law.
The Ministry of Inner Affairs and the Government of Moldova facilitated the organization of the volunteers’ group “Moldova for Peace”. Its purpose is to receive, offer assistance and accommodation to the Ukrainian refugees. The group is still working on creating a structure, registering and contacting volunteers, etc. It does not activate under a legal umbrella.
Lilia Nenescu, one of the “Moldova for Peace” volunteers, said that the group consists of over 20 people. Other 1700 registered to volunteer by filling in this form, which is still available. The group consists of several departments:
The volunteers’ department. Its members act as fixers: they’re responsible for connecting the people in need of assistance with the appropriate department. Some of the volunteers are located in the customs points. “The Ministry of Inner Affairs sends us every day the list of the customs points where our assistance is needed, and we mobilize the volunteers”, says Lilia Nenescu.
The Goods Department manages all the goods donated by the Moldavian citizens. The donations are separated into categories: non-perishable foods and non-food supplies. The volunteers of this department sort the goods into packages to be distributed.
The Government intends to collect all the donations in four locations. The National Agency for Food Safety and the National Agency for Public Health will ensure mechanisms to confirm that all the deposited goods comply with safety and quality regulations.
The Service Department operates in 4 directions and needs the volunteer involvement of specialists in psychology, legal assistance (the majority of the refugees only have Ukrainian ID and birth certificates of their children); medical assistance; translation (a part of the refugees are not Ukrainian citizens).
According to Elena Mudrîi, the spokesperson of the Ministry of Health, so far there is no data about the number of Covid-19 positive refugees. She only mentioned two cases that needed outpatient medical assistance: a pregnant woman and the mother of a 4-day-old child.
The Accommodation Department. The volunteers are waiting for the centralized and updated information from the Ministry of Labor about the institutions offering accommodation, besides the houses offered by individuals.
The Transport Department consists of drivers organized in groups. They receive notifications about the number of people who need transportation from the customs points to the asylum centers for refugees.
The municipal authorities of Chișinău announced that the Ukrainian children refugees from the capital city will be enrolled in educational institutions. The authorities also intend to create Day-Care Centers for children, where they will be engaged in educational activities and will receive psychological assistance. Besides, the refugees from the municipal temporary accommodation centers receive individual and group counseling.
In addition to this effort, a group of volunteers consisting of Ana Gurău, Ana Popapa, and Andrei Lutenco developed, with the help of Cristian Coșneanu, the UArefugees platform, synchronized with the responses from this form. On the first day, 943 people offered their help using the form, and 110 people asked for help. According to Anna Gurău, the volunteers communicate with the Government in order to update the platform with the missing data.
Translation from Romanian by Natalia Graur
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