Politics
EU’s Eastern Partnership stuck in low gear
Reading Time: 4 minutesThe EUs Eastern Partnership was launched with great fanfare in Prague in May. But just past the eight-month mark, it is becoming clear that neither the EU nor the six partnership members have high hopes for the grouping.
By Ahto Lobjakas
The EU’s Eastern Partnership was launched with great fanfare in Prague in May. But just past the eight-month mark, it is becoming clear that neither the EU nor the six partnership members have high hopes for the grouping.
EU documents seen by RFE/RL suggest the bloc is purposely setting a limit to its cooperation with the participating countries — Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.
EU foreign ministers today will meet their colleagues from those six countries.
The EU’s hesitation comes as it enters what Germany’s Angela Merkel has called a "period of reflection" following the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, which will radically reconfigure the bloc’s foreign-policy mechanisms.
The partnership countries, whose own democratic development has largely ground to a halt, are in no position to demand more. Their EU membership ambitions are at their lowest ebb since 2004, when the bloc took in eight Eastern European countries and seemed bullish on expanding further.
As EU foreign ministers prepare to host the first partnership meeting since the initiative was launched, the agenda drafted for the talks is thoroughly humdrum. Individual meetings will examine the "state of play" in the EU’s relationship with each of the countries, as well as priorities for 2010.
The EU’s immediate goal is to usher in a new generation of cooperation agreements — called Association Agreements — to replace the current Partnership and Cooperation Agreements.
Although the title of the new accord refers to the prospect of "association," this is a purely symbolic concession on the part of the bloc and does not imply any substantive movement toward EU membership.
Free Trade And Travel
At best, the six partner countries can hope for two long-term goals — free trade and visa-free travel within the EU.
Free trade is largely dependent on the progress of economic reforms in the partner countries. Visa liberalization, however, is an even more distant undertaking. Before granting any of the partners visa-free travel, EU countries must be satisfied such a move will not lead to an increase of immigration or crime.
One prominent feature of the EU’s Eastern Partnership strategy, as it evolves, is a blurring of the differences between the six partners, and between them and the rest of the former Soviet Union.
Belarus, despite its backward status, is being offered access to much the same benefits as Ukraine or Georgia. On the other hand, the South Caucasus countries will soon be required to hold a regular "human rights dialogue" with the EU — much as the autocracies of Central Asia already do.
The EU’s focus has firmly moved now to its own desires — which rank political stability above all other goals. This tendency is likely to continue throughout 2010 at least, as first Spain and then Belgium hold the bloc’s rotating six-month presidency. Neither is known for taking a keen interest in the fortunes of Eastern Europe.
Likewise, the EU’s newly appointed foreign minister, Catherine Ashton, is likely to be too weak, inexperienced, and taxed by other tasks to provide new impetus to the Eastern Partnership.
A "food for thought" paper prepared for today’s meeting by the EU’s incumbent Swedish presidency identifies four key areas of involvement for the EU in the Eastern countries.
The first is the stabilization of their crisis-stricken economies, which involves steering them away from protectionism, which is said to be bad for political stability. The remainder involve the easing of the EU visa regime, institution-building, and EU assistance in securing the countries’ international loans.
Another document provides details on the situation of each of the six countries.
Formally, Ukraine is the most advanced. It could sign an Association Agreement, including a "Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement," with the EU in 2010. Talks on visa-free travel are on track.
But officials say relations between the EU and Ukraine have hit rock bottom. Preoccupied by the January 2010 presidential election, Ukraine’s reforms have stalled.
Worst of all, from an EU point of view, is Ukraine’s inability or unwillingness to take steps to avoid a repeat of the January 2009 cutoff of Russian gas passing through Ukraine, which affected nearly half of the EU’s 27 member states. This despite a 1.7 billion-euro loan offered by the EU in July to help pay Russia for the transit of the gas.
The EU document says these funds cannot be disbursed before a number of gas-sector reforms are implemented to make the sector more transparent. Brussels has offered Ukraine another loan to stabilize its finances, but, again, the EU document notes the loan is "conditional on the respect of the adjustment program agreed between Ukraine and the IMF.”
Moldova is on EU financial life support, and the continued political instability in the country has so far prevented advances in association or free-trade talks. Visa-liberalization has been an important EU carrot in its dealings with Chisinau, but will not materialize in the short term.
The EU has also given 4 million euros for "democracy support" and provided expert support to the country’s negotiations with the IMF.
Rights Dialogues
Belarus, despite the questionable record of its strongman leader, Alyaksandr Lukashenka, was in November 2010 offered a back door into the assistance programs of the EU’s existing neighborhood policy, in effect putting it on a par with the other Eastern Partnership countries.
In order to encourage democratic reforms, the EU is preparing to launch talks on a visa-facilitation agreement — intended to lower visa application costs speed up the procedures, as well as a readmission agreement.
The South Caucasus countries lag far behind Ukraine, with the EU only now discussing terms for their prospective Association Agreement talks.
Armenia broke new ground earlier this year with the arrival of a small EU "advisory group" of experts to help modernize some of its ministries. A low-key human rights dialogue with the country started on December 1 this year. The EU and Armenia have set up standing subcommittees for cooperation in three priority areas — justice, freedom, and security; education, social affairs, telecommunication, and research and development; and energy, environment and transport.
Azerbaijan remains a key target for the EU on account of its strategic role as an energy provider and transit country. An EU-Azerbaijan intergovernmental agreement on the Nabucco pipeline — seen as a crucial alternative to the vagaries of Russian-supplied gas — was signed earlier this year.
The list of EU-Azerbaijan cooperation subcommittees is shorter, involving, first, justice, freedom and security, democratization and human rights issues; and, second, education, social affairs, telecommunication, and research and development.
Georgia is the frontrunner in the region in visa-facilitation talks, which have effectively concluded — while those with Armenia and Azerbaijan are yet to start.
But the political relationship between Brussels and Tbilisi has cooled noticeably as President Mikheil Saakashvili continues his crackdown on the political opposition.
The focus on regular EU-Georgia cooperation is remarkably narrow, with one subcommittee set up for education, social affairs, telecommunication, and research and development; and a second for energy, environment, and transport. EU attempts to assist institution-building and democratic reforms in Georgia have borne little fruit.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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