Politics
Analysis: Moldovan president changing tone and negotiators with Russia on Transnistria
Reading Time: 4 minutesMoldovan president changing tone and negotiators with Russia on Transnistria
Author: Vladimir Socor, Eurasia Daily Monitor
On April 6, Moldova’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Stratan held talks with his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, in Moscow on a full range of bilateral issues, including the Transnistria conflict. President Vladimir Voronin set the stage for Stratan’s mission through a public supplication for Russian benevolence and a promise to change Moldova’s approach to relations with Russia.
The Russian embargo on wine and other agricultural products has hit Moldova so hard as to force Chisinau to shift its priorities in bilateral relations. It now appears to seek urgent political accommodation with Russia in hopes of ending the embargo while de-emphasizing the goal of conflict-resolution in Transnistria, at least publicly and tactically. Meanwhile, Tiraspol is blocking those negotiations with Moscow’s open support.
For the last four years, Moldova’s top presidential adviser, Mark Tkachuk, and Reintegration Minister Vasile Sova were in charge of negotiating on Transnistria. Their Russian counterparts were usually an inter-agency team led by Russian National Security Council Deputy Secretary Yuri Zubakov. The Moldovan MFA was a second-hand player at best in those negotiations, often not in the loop.
Stratan’s Moscow visit might herald a transfer of Moldova’s negotiating authority to the MFA. It also seems linked to Stratan’s recently launched bid to increase his power in Chisinau and his influence on Voronin, preparing for a presidential run in 2008-2009. When Zubakov last visited Chisinau in early March, he reportedly handed over the latest Russian document as a basis for negotiations to the Moldovan MFA, not to his old counterparts.
In a Russian television interview, reported in Moldova on April 6, Voronin declared that bilateral relations could be optimal, were it not for “misunderstandings” regarding Transnistria. Almost pleading guilty for having “viewed our relations through the prism of the Transnistria conflict,” Voronin called for a new approach: “We must cooperate with the Russian side in all fields and all dimensions, so as to establish the best and most effective relations. In that case, the Transnistria problem will have become only a small part of our [otherwise] fruitful relations.” He credited Putin personally with “lending impetus” to developing relations during their two meetings in August and November 2006 (NTV Mir, April 4, cited by Moldpres, April 6). Whatever the impetus may have been, the embargo is in force and apparently driving Chisinau into ingratiating rhetoric as a last resort.
Stratan followed that line — which he may have recommended in the first place to the president — in an interview appearing on the day of his Moscow visit: “Both sides have drawn proper conclusions from the events of the recent past, which have only brought them closer.” Moreover, “Our cooperation has withstood the test of ‘natural calamities’” and Moldova seeks Russian capital investment “in all areas from A to Z.” In any case, “Moldova would be unimaginable without the Russian language and culture, Russian history and Russian spirituality” (Nezavisimaya Moldova, April 6). While Stratan did mention Moldova’s European choice as irreversible, it seems unclear how it can be reconciled with genuflections to Russian influence and an all-out bid for Russian investments while failing to attract any substantial European investments.
Both men only alluded to the Transnistria conflict and the Russian military presence when arguing that temporary disagreements must not affect centuries-old relations. And both believe that Russia could only gain by helping achieve an early resolution of the conflict, so as to demonstrate its capacity to play the key role in other situations as well. Voronin, moreover, asserts in the sixth year of his presidency that Chisinau has finally “succeeded in understanding Tiraspol’s internal mechanisms and the causes behind so many events that happened.” He did not specify what those mechanisms might be or why the understanding took this long to be reached; nevertheless both men now profess confidence in an “early” resolution of the conflict (NTV Mir, April 4, cited by Moldpres, April 6; Nezavisimaya Moldova, April 6).
Apparently unimpressed, Moscow insists on resolving the conflict on its own terms. Statements issued by Lavrov’s office and by the Russian MFA chief spokesman Mikhail Kamynin in connection with Stratan’s visit made the following points (www.mid.ru, Interfax, April 6).
The Russian side “urges Chisinau to engage in a consistent search for compromises in order to un-block the negotiating process.” This places the onus on Chisinau to bring Tiraspol back to the negotiations through unilateral concessions (such was the negotiations’ dynamic for many years until 2005, at which point Tiraspol blocked the negotiations in October that year with Moscow’s support).
Conflict settlement is only possible through “agreements between the parties [Chisinau and Tiraspol] on an equal basis” as well as a “reliably guaranteed status of Transdniester.” In the Russian vocabulary of these long-running negotiations, co-equal treatment of Chisinau and Tiraspol implies a contractual solution along “federal”/”confederal” lines; while “reliably guaranteed” implies mainly Russian political and military guarantees. Voronin conclusively rejected that approach in mid-2004; and Moldova’s organic law of July 2005 rules out any external guarantees.
“Russia is ready to assist the multi-ethnic people of Moldova in establishing a democratic, law-based, neutral state.” It also calls for “preserving the traditional positions of the Russian language in Moldova.” Defining Moldova as “multi-ethnic” implies a droit de regard over the situation of the Russian language in the country. “Assisting” Moldova to be neutral also implies an external droit de regard. Moldova’s own constitution enshrines the country’s neutrality and bans the stationing of any foreign troops on the country’s territory — in this case, Russian troops.
The commander of Russian troops in Transnistria, Major-General Boris Sergeyev, reiterated on the same day the standard claim that Russia has already fulfilled all its 1999 obligations regarding troop withdrawal from Moldova’s territory and has no intention to withdraw its military stockpiles either. Russian troops will continue to fulfill their dual mission: guarding those stockpiles and “peacekeeping,” Sergeyev declared (Interfax, April 6).
Moscow’s position is familiar and remains entrenched. However, Chisinau hopes against hope that President Putin, with his unassailable authority, might deliver a settlement consistent with Moldova’s interests before he leaves the scene (if he does) in spring 2008. While this proposition is worth exploring for lack of anything better, Moscow might draw Voronin into negotiations toward the deadline of Moldova’s parliamentary and presidential elections, late 2008-early 2009, as well as with an eye to Voronin’s legacy as president. Russia would probably like to see Moldova enter into bilateral negotiations from weakness, under a triple pressure: the commercial embargo, electoral deadline, and presidential legacy considerations.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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