Politics
The costs of the “hammer-lessons”
Reading Time: 4 minutesAfter 19 years of independence, the Republic of Moldova seems like being in the same state of tension, interminable pressures both external and internal, with huge problems of slightly different nature. There have been some periods of illusory improvements, but they were closely correlating with the increase of population incomes coming from Moldovan labor-migrants abroad, and dynamic growth of countries where they used to work.
By Andrei Munteanu
After 19 years of independence, the Republic of Moldova seems like being in the same state of tension, interminable pressures both external and internal, with huge problems of slightly different nature. There have been some periods of illusory improvements, but they were closely correlating with the increase of population incomes coming from Moldovan labor-migrants abroad, and dynamic growth of countries where they used to work.
The newly created, one-year-old Alliance for European Integration displays, compared with previous governments, highest potential of governance, with more reasonable visions and managerial approaches, but still, there’s some considerable difference in the views of the leaders and frictions among them.
Given that their major common interest is to hinder eventual communists’ coming again to power, while being quite scattered on other issues, the chances of setting the country on a sustainable pathway to development still leaves much to be desired.
No doubt – keeping the communists in disadvantage is of crucial importance for the country, but, given that this objective is far from being enough, there is considerable risk of despair implication, among the population, shouldn’t they manage to build more credible and veritable trust in the societal consciousness. There’s still a huge risk that they will compromise the democracy as a value, as it did Ion Sturza’s cabinet, before massive winning of elections by communists in 2001.
Like always, there are severe pressures on behalf of CIS-promoters, mainly Moscow, but, still, no one will ever build up a dignified future only by means of blaming on others. When we hear that Moscow imposes restrictions on imports of Moldovan wines, fruits or vegetables, and later restrictions of Moldovan transport companies, the government should not take it only as a “blackmail”, but also as a signal that on Russian market there is also much more severe competition, and that even if Moscow gives us some more “hammer-lessons”, we have nothing to do but learn the good side of them.
The good side of the latter, in my view, could be as follows:
(i) The current Moldovan government has to admit what the others before displayed reluctance many years ago, in the early period of independence – that it is high time to shift the national economy towards knowledge based economy. This implies first of all a need of radical change of attitude towards education in the country, in line with raising awareness that the Moldovan society is experiencing an “educational relevance vulnerability”. Moldovan population was taught, even imposed by soviet empire, keep bragging that we have no illiteracy, that we benefitted of “full-fledged” educational programs, and very little was discussed, if any at all, about the quality of that education supplied in Moldova, which was tailored to supporting interest of the Bolshevik regime in this country. It is not hard to guess how “relevant” was that education for eventual development in case the country chooses a pathway to independence. One can guess that our eastern neighbors, even many political forces in thins country, would never want us to speak and even think about this, but this is unavoidable. Should we believe the statistics from Nationmaster.com, even Cuba – as one of the most convinced communist country of the former soviet era – changed their attitude towards education inasmuch as now invest almost 20% of their GDP in this field.
(ii) Moldovan government should not disregard the idea that the future of Moldova is really blur if they continue to tolerate this double dealing in state policies – declaring education as national priority (as stipulated in the Constitution) and, on the other hand, displaying too much indifference towards the education field in terms of funding, non-transparent way of assigning ministers and key decision makers in the field, severe shortage and outdated schoolbooks. The current minister of education, for instance, is a very weak figure for such a responsible historical time for the country.
(iii) For Moldovan government is high time to admit that if they really want democracy established in the country, without relevant and due mass educational support can be very risky for the longer run.
(iv) Moldovan government must admit that the Moldovan population has been savagely violated the right to make choices based on due cognitive basis; the chronic improper attitude of previous Moldovan governments towards education as growth factor is a proof of that.
(v) The government must admit that in the former Soviet time the population of the Republic of Moldova has been subjected to hard discrimination in terms of higher taxes levied and lower investments per capita, in health care and education, compared to averages of other former soviet republics. We got to the point of this population learning more valuable things, in terms of attitudinal skills, entrepreneurship and business culture, as gastarbeiters in the Western countries, than in many educational establishments in the country.
(vi) It is high time for Moldovan politicians admit that, at least for this country realities, the quality and seriousness of subjects and matters discussed in the university halls, is not less important versus to what is discussed in the parliament, or at ministerial collegiums.
(vii) In nowadays’ situation only Romanian, USA and EU countries’ support in providing scholarships for Moldovan students and researchers is not enough at least because the population is aging almost everywhere, in richer countries too, and in line with huge benefits from the scholarships supplied, the living standards in host countries are much more attractive than in Moldova. This means we should enjoy this support, though very significant, as complementary, but still rely mostly on domestic educational system.
The story of Moldova’s troubles continues, and this is proved by recent particularly worrisome statements made already by AEI party leaders, inter alia the statement that
(i) it (AEI) does not exist any more de facto, and that
(ii) some leaders of the alliance did not want and still do not want to contribute to its consolidation.
On the other hand, one could also raise the question – don’t these statements mean that they reflect some hidden interests of some groups over the national interest of Moldova to keep its statehood and reach eventual prosperous living? You never know.
Further on this kind of statements continue with more of the like – that the “businesspeople in Moldova need to be protected by law”… What about the other citizens? Don’t we need the same protection for all of us? What if there’s not enough capacities in the country to protect particularly the businessmen in Moldova by law? Should we import these capacities or rather build up by our own? What would be the costs and implications of eventual import of capacities? For how long to import, up the next “hammer-lesson”?
With regard to Moldova I think the some times ago saying: “Fight or die” should be paraphrased as: “Invest in education… or get disappeared”.
Featured
FC Sheriff Tiraspol victory: can national pride go hand in hand with political separatism?

A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Politics
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita meets high-ranking EU officials in Brussels

Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria

The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org