Politics
In Russia, debates about alphabets are about more than letters
Reading Time: 4 minutesEighty years ago this month, Stalin and the Politburo put an end to plans backed by Lenin and other Bolsheviks to change the alphabet in which Russian is written from Cyrillic to a Latin script, an indication, a Moscow commentator says, that whatever system Russia attempts to build, it ends by being an empire.
By Paul Goble
Eighty years ago this month, Stalin and the Politburo put an end to plans backed by Lenin and other Bolsheviks to change the alphabet in which Russian is written from Cyrillic to a Latin script, an indication, a Moscow commentator says, that whatever system Russia attempts to build, it ends by being an empire.
In an essay in the current issue of “Kommersant-Vlast’,” Yevgeny Zhirnov traces the history of debates over the Latin script not only for Russian but for the other languages of the country, debates that continue to flare up to this day not only inside the Russian Federation but in the former Soviet republics (www.kommersant.ru/doc.aspx?DocsID=1301421).
Ever since Peter I introduced a special secular alphabet in place of the one used by the Russian Orthodox Church, the issue of alphabets has been a politically sensitive one, Zhirnov points out. On the one hand, this change led some Russians to believe that the logical next step was to go over to a Latin script like the ones used in Europe.
And on the other, Peter’s actions led many Slavophiles to argue that a Cyrillic-based script should be imposed on all the peoples of the empire, both those like the Poles who had long used the Latin script and other peoples who either lacked literary languages altogether or who used Arabic scripts linked to Islam.
Debates about alphabets intensified at the end of the imperial period, under the Provisional Government, and in the first years of Soviet power. The Cyrillic alphabet was simplified, with several letters being dropped, but even to those limited measures, there was a great deal of popular resistance.
Nonetheless, Lenin clearly indicated that he wanted to see Russian go over to the Latin script eventually. As his education commissar Anatoly Lunacharsky recalled, the founder of the Soviet state said that he did “not doubt that the time will come for the Latinization of the Russian script” but for the time being, any “rash” moves would generate resistance.
Consequently, Lenin backed off from shifting Russian to Latin, but in non-Russian areas, the situation was different. There, the Bolsheviks stressed “that they entirely opposes the old missionary alphabets,” a reference to those developed by Ilminsky in Kazan, which helped to “russify” and “enslave” the non-Russian peoples.
That led to a drive for Latinization in non-Russian areas. In Yakutia, now Sakha, officials called for a Latin script already in 1917, but this decision was implemented only in 1922 when Soviet power was fully installed there. Meanwhile, in 1921, a Latin script was developed for the Ingush, Osetins, Kabardins, and the Azerbaijanis.
Then, in 1925, the Abkhaz who had used a Cyrillic-based script that had been developed by Russian missionaries went over to a Latin-based one. “Formally,” Zhirnov points out, these changes were advertised as a means of freeing “the formerly oppressed peoples” of the Russian Empire as quickly as possible.”
“But in fact,” he notes, most of Moscow’s effort was directed “at peoples where the influence of Islam was strong and the chief goal remained pulling away the mass of toilers from religious education,” which up to that point was conducted on the basis of Arabic script and consequently allowed the mullahs to spread the ideas of Islam to the next generation.
But despite Turkey’s decision to go over to the Latin script, something that made it easier for Turkic peoples in the Soviet Union to accept this idea, the drive for Latinization among non-Russian peoples increasingly fell afoul of Moscow’s concerns as the USSR entered transformations of the 1930s.
On the one hand, the effort was very expensive: the non-Russian scripts had a total of some 400 different letters, many of the languages were spoken by only a small number of people – there were only 400 Aleuts for whom one Latin script was prepared – and typefaces for these scripts were manufactured in only two places, something that created bottlenecks.
And on the other, Latinization had the effect of setting the non-Russians apart, leading many of them to look abroad, to Europe and Turkey, rather than toward Moscow. Not only did the existence of the Latin scripts make learning Russian more difficult for some peoples, but it led some in Moscow to view these scripts as manifestations of anti-Soviet nationalism.
Such suspicions were only exacerbated by reports that the way in which certain key Moscow pronouncements were being translated in languages which were being printed in Latin script. Thus, in one, “revolution” was rendered as “a disorderly movement.” In another, “shock work” was translated as “hazavat.” And in a third, “general line” was given as “the tsar’s road.”
Nonetheless, Lunacharsky and many of the Old Bolsheviks continued to press for Latinization. But their day was ending. On January 25, 1930, the Politburo, led by Stalin, “prohibited any work on the transition of the Russian alphabet to the Latin script,” although it did permit continued Latinization of non-Russian scripts.
When the advocates of Latinization said that they would go ahead with plans regardless, the Politburo directed the education authorities “to stop working on the question of the Latinization of the Russian alphabet” and forbade any expenditure of time and money on the question as of 1931.
Latinization continued sporadically, but beginning in 1936, party and government officials in most areas where Latinization had been carried out began to ask “permission” to go over to the Cyrillic script. And in 1940, the Soviet government imposed Cyrillic on newly-occupied Bessarabia.
(Some nationality languages were never Cyrillicized: the Armenian and Georgian from the very beginning, representatives of communities whose primary homeland was abroad or deemed to be for political reasons, and the three Baltic peoples even after the Soviet re-occupation of them in 1944/45.)
When this happened, Zhirnov points out, no one wanted to talk about “Russification” or “imperial” designs. Instead, officials talked about things going “their customary and natural path.” And that, he says, means that the debate about alphabets remains instructive, not only in places like Tatarstan where many would like a Latin script but elsewhere as well.
“If the situation is examined,” he writes, “one can see that whatever system the powers that be begin to construct in Russia – an enlightened monarchy, a socialist republic or a democratic federation – the result all the same turns out to be an empire,” an outcome the affects both Russians and non-Russians alike.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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