Politics
Polish, Georgian Presidents’ Motorcade Shot at from South Ossetia
Reading Time: 4 minutesAt dusk on November 23, machine-gun fire from the direction of a Russian checkpoint forced Presidents Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia and Lech Kaczynski of Poland to cut short a visit with Georgian ref
By Vladimir Socor
At dusk on November 23, machine-gun fire from the direction of a Russian checkpoint forced Presidents Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia and Lech Kaczynski of Poland to cut short a visit with Georgian refugees from South Ossetia. By most accounts, three bursts were fired into the air over the presidents’ motorcade near the Metekhi refugee shelters. Saakashvili and Kaczynski were visiting the Georgian side of the demarcation line to see how the armistice agreement was being implemented in the area adjacent to South Ossetia.
The incident occurred close to the demarcation line between the Russian-occupied Akhalgori district and the rest of Georgia. That Russian military outpost is situated deep inside Georgia, a mere 40 kilometers from Tbilisi. The armistice is, in fact, honored largely in the breach by Moscow.
Returning to Tbilisi, Kaczynski told a news conference that the shots were fired from only about 30 meters away, and it was not immediately clear whether the fire was aimed at the motorcade or overhead. Kaczynski remarked that the incident demonstrated the weaknesses of the armistice arrangements, mediated by the European Union’s French presidency on the EU’s behalf. Indeed, the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM) and OSCE monitors are supposed to patrol both sides of the Georgia-South Ossetia demarcation line, but Russia does not allow them to enter South Ossetia (or Abkhazia).
For his part, Saakashvili acknowledged that he had not expected the Russians to open fire and that such an unpredictable reaction underscored their “flagrant violations” of the armistice. Russian forces are “occupiers with no right to be there or to position themselves in the heart of Georgia,” he told the joint news conference with Kaczynski. The Polish president was in Georgia for the fifth anniversary of the Rose Revolution.
Georgian officials noted that the shooting “shows what kind of treacherous power we are facing” (Parliament Chairman Davit Bakradze) and was consistent with the Russian forces’ “aggressive and irresponsible behavior,” potentially endangering the lives of two presidents (National Security Council chief Alexander Lomaia) (Rustavi-2 TV, Civil Georgia, November 23, 24).
In Moscow Defense Ministry spokesmen ruled out any possibility that Russian soldiers would have shot at the motorcade (Interfax, November 23, 24). Deputy Minister and State Secretary for Foreign Affairs Grigory Karasin, however, went beyond mere denial, almost implying that Saakashvili would have desired to be shot at: “this was another case of wishful thinking on the Georgian side” (Interfax, November 23). Karasin’s diplomatic insinuation adds to a series of far less subtle threats to the life of the Georgian president by the Kremlin, its propagandists, and its operatives.
Those threats date back to the 1990s, with two assassination attempts against then-president Eduard Shevardnadze (1995 and 1998) and multiple verbal threats against him via the Russian media. The prime suspect in the 1995 attack (which wounded Shevardnadze), KGB officer Igor Giorgadze, fled to Moscow and was interviewed time and again on Russian state television, agitating for the overthrow of Shevardnadze and subsequently of Saakashvili, on Kremlin-favorite TV host Mikhail Leontiev’s show. Two years after the Rose Revolution, Kremlin political consultant Gleb Pavlovsky opined on a popular TV program that Russia’s problems with Georgia could be resolved by “a single, well-aimed bullet.” During the August 2008 invasion of Georgia, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin crudely expressed the wish to kill Saakashvili during a conversation with Nicolas Sarkozy, according to a statement made by the French president’s foreign policy adviser Jean-David Levitte in widely-quoted Western media interviews last week.
Georgia is the prime example, but not the only one, in which high-level Russian authorities encourage violence against pro-Western leaders. Earlier this year, Kremlin-appointed TV program chief Konstantin Semin explicitly praised the assassination of Serbia Prime Minister Zoran Dzindzic and the mob assault on the U.S. embassy in Belgrade (see EDM, February 27). Moscow resorted to such “propaganda of the deed” both during the 1990s when it was weak (“on its knees,” as Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev retroactively claimed) and also recently after “rising from its knees.” Western leaders tolerated such methods during both periods, on the rationale that transgressions could be excused when Russia was weak and must be excused after Russia became strong.
The EU, nominal broker of the armistice between Russia and Georgia through the French presidency, lacks the means to enforce the armistice terms. Instead of returning to the lines held before August 7, Russian forces have beefed up their presence in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and expanded into areas that they had not held previously, such as Akhalgori, from where the presidents’ motorcade was shot at.
The 300-strong, unarmed EUMM is not allowed into Abkhazia and South Ossetia by the Russians, unless the mission agrees to some arrangements that would in practice recognize those unrecognized authorities. The EUMM under its German chief Hansjoerg Haber is trying hard to carry out its mandate, which covers Abkhazia and South Ossetia as parts of Georgia, without succumbing to that blackmail. The EU collectively, however, agreed on November 14 to start negotiations on a EU-Russia partnership agreement, without making this proposed partnership conditional on any way on Russian compliance with the armistice agreement or their cooperation with the EUMM (see EDM, November 17). This approach has weakened the EU’s own hand on the ground in Georgia.
These developments, capped by the November 23 shooting from Akhalgori, underscore the need for access by EU monitors into South Ossetia and Abkhazia and an introduction of international police and peacekeeping contingents in the two areas.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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