Politics
Isolationism in Russian Regions Now Threatens Moscow’s Control
Reading Time: 4 minutesOver the course of the last decade, Moscow has successfully contained most separatist movements in predominantly ethnic Russian regions, but now, as a result of the measures the Kremlin has used to ac
By Paul Goble
Vienna, November 2 – Over the course of the last decade, Moscow has successfully contained most separatist movements in predominantly ethnic Russian regions, but now, as a result of the measures the Kremlin has used to achieve that goal, the center is confronted by a potentially no less serious challenge in the form of regional isolationism.
During presidency, the Moscow Center for Systemic Regional Research and Forecasting says in a new 80 page report, Vladimir Putin gave regional leaders great latitude in how they operated on their own territories, allowing them to destroy institutions with links outside their regions, in exchange for declarations of absolute loyalty (csrip.org/usr/templates/files/report.pdf).
That grand bargain has frequently been noted in the case of Chechnya under its current leader Ramzan Kadyrov, but the Moscow Center makes the important point that this same dynamic is taking place in some Russian regions and thus promoting the growth of regional isolationism in place of the now discredited separatism.
But that development is dangerous, the center’s report says, because such isolationist impulses, which seek to make each region self-sufficient and thus less integrated into the country as a whole, are “separatism in a latent form” and could at a time of crisis, like the economic one Russia now faces, mean that Moscow would face far more separatist challenges than it expects.
The experts at the Moscow Center, which was created earlier this year by a group of academics and NGOs, draw their conclusions on the basis of an examination of Saratov oblast, one of three predominantly Russian regions (the other two are Primorsky kray and Kaliningrad oblast), that they suggest show this trend toward isolationism most clearly.
These three places share four characteristics: they are border areas, they have a large number of social problems, there is “a serious concentration” of criminal activity in the local elite, and, as a result of the actions of their leaders in the 1990s, they are separated ideologically from the rest of what the new study describes as “the Slavic part of Russia.”
In the 1990s, Saratov was lead by Dmitry Ayatskov. He employed “an expansionist rhetoric” and pursued policies, including the notion of “Saratov as the Capital of the Volga Region” and the restoration of autonomy for the Volga Germans or at least the resettlement of Germans in his oblast.
None of these projects succeeded as he intended, but they did both frighten off outside investors, thus worsening the economic situation there, and frighten Moscow, whose leaders viewed what Ayatskov was doing as the initial stages of some kind of Saratov independence movement.
Consequently, Putin sacked Ayatskov in 2005 and replaced him with a more pliant governor and gave real power to the local head of United Russia Vyacheslav Volodin, who dropped all these ideological excesses but who also took steps which meant that except for declarations of loyalty, Moscow did not get what it wanted.
Initially, the new governor Pavel Ipatov and Volodin successfully attracted investments from outside the oblast and more actively participated in Moscow political life. But the first declined as Volodin sought to impose tighter control over everything, and the second became less important as Putin froze the regions out of central policy making.
Indeed, in an unanticipated way, Volodin made use of his party resources, including access to information from Moscow and control over the appointment of other officials representing the center there not only to promote his own “cult of personality” but also to create “an isolationist ideology” among the Saratov elite.
Volodin and his associates could only have real power locally – and that was the only power they had access to thanks to Putin’s changes in Moscow – by destroying or freezing out any group or institution that might compete with them, including relatively independence city and district governments and outside investments.
And that is exactly what they have done. The result, the center’s experts argue, is the use in Saratov and other “Russian” regions has been the rise of “charismatic leaders,” “the privatization of federal resources,” and “the conversion of the federal state into something like a feudal appanage system.”
In this way, the center continues, the efforts of Putin to promote “the strengthening of the vertical power” have in fact created the conditions for its destruction because “a change in the macroeconomic situation or any external economic crisis” can transform this kind of isolationism into genuine “internal or state separatism.”
Under “the most tragic scenario,” they say, these attitudes, always present but exacerbated by Putin’s policies, “could lead to the separation of a number of territories from Russia and the creation of launching pads for the interference of foreign powers on the internal policy of the country.”
If that is to be avoided, the center’s analysts conclude, Moscow must not only allow the regions and their populations a greater role in central politics but also restrict the powers of its agents in the regions and promote city governments to counter the ability of individuals like Volodin to dominate and thus isolate their regions.
Unfortunately, they suggest, the central government at present does not appear interested in taking any of those steps, however much they are in its own interests and however much the center’s failure to take them will threaten the integrity of the country even more than the separatist challenges of non-Russian groups.
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Paul A. Goble is an American analyst, writer and columnist with expertise on Russia, Eurasia, public diplomacy and international broadcasting. Goble publishes his articles on his blog "Window on Eurasia" (windowoneurasia.blogspot.com).
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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