Politics
Analysis: Republic of Moldova’s security policy in the trap of the Russian Federation geopolitical interests
Reading Time: 7 minutesOnly after 7 years of governing, at the end of its second mandate and in the framework of a difficult electoral campaign in 2009, the majority of the communist parliamentarians voted on 22.05.208 the
Author: Vitalie Grosu, Political and Security Statewatch, Nr. 6, 2008
Overview
Only after 7 years of governing, at the end of its second mandate and in the framework of a difficult electoral campaign in 2009, the majority of the communist parliamentarians voted on 22.05.208 the Law on National Security Concept. In an ongoing process of democratization, such a document is expected to contribute to the strengthening of the democratic system. Thus, the activities of the communist authorities revealed multiple lacks of this Concept and of the national security policy.
Intensified dialogue on transnistrian conflict, successive bilateral visits and the multilateral meetings of the actor involved in the conflict solving process gave a hope concerning the chances of settling this “frozen conflict”. Thus, the development of the events, proved once again the complexity of the current state of conflict solving process, as well as the lack of a continuous policy and a coherent solving project of the Republic of Moldova’s authorities, this contributing to the raise of the Moldovan society’s insecurity and instability.
A security policy in the detriment of democracy?
According to the Republic of Moldova’s Constitution and some judicial documents signed at international level, the State takes the responsibility to respect the democracy principles, human rights and liberties, as well as to grant the state of law. In spite of such strategic trends, during the years of independence, and especially after seven years of communist governance, we could point out a deplorable situation in the field of democracy, human rights and Moldovan society security. According to Freedom House’s annual reports, during the last seven years we could see a negative trend characterized by the stagnation of the Republic of Moldova’s democratic process.
The recently adopted National Security Concept testifies the countries democratization stagnation, and represents a tentative to legislate and institutionalize the undemocratic communist authorities. Of all the lacks of the new National Security Concept, as showing an aggressive attitude towards NATO, promotion of a incoherent Security Policy, disrespect shown for the opportunities offered by the regional framework and international cooperation, the absence of a clear and sure link between the Security Policy and the principles of Democracy represents possibly the most serious one. The discrepancy between security policy and democratic principles has as main objective to repress the opposition in the Moldovan society and to maintain masterly the control over the political power.
Thus, unlike many other judicial documents set up in accordance with the Council of Europe’s standards, but not applied in practice, the adoption of the National Security Concept was submited to abusive actions from the part of the communist authorities, which generated a new class of threats towards Moldovan society’s democracy and security. The bringing on action of criminal cases to some young people, who posted critical comments on the side of communist authorities during June 2008, proves the worsening of the relation security-democracy. One of the reasons invoked by the authorities are aberrant and have no logic, while the others are violating the fundamental rights as: the right to self conscience and the freedom of speech. This way, the communist authorities proved once again their incapacity and unwillingness to promote real democratic reforms.
These abusive actions from the part of the Republic of Moldova’s authorities towards citizens and NGOs who realizing their right to self conscience and freedom of speech pleaded for unification with Romania, are part of the communist authorities hysteria in their relation with Romania. Plus, the simple fact that they followed the visit and the declarations of the President of the Commission for CIS of the Russian Federation State Duma, Al. Ostrovschi, who overdoing this duties, in his discussions with the Moldovan officials invoked the “threat of Romanization of the Republic of Moldova” gives us the right to suppose that they have as objective the manifestation of obedience towards Moscow and obtaining support concerning the transnistrian conflict. So, in spite of the declarations that state European Integration as main foreign policy vector, as well as the stipulations of the new National Security Concept regarding the adherence to the European security standards and practices it is very well pointed out the simulation by the communist authorities of the security strategy in the detriment of the democracy practiced by the Russian federation and Belarus, or in such a framework we could doubt the European integration intentions of the current communist authorities that are liable to oscillations between East and West.
A new transnistrian odyssey and Russian Federation’s double standards policy
The intensification of the dialogue concerning the transnistrian conflict shown by the Helsinki meeting on June 10, 2008 regarding the restarting of the 5+2 negotiation format, bilateral visits made by the Moldovan officials in the Russian Federation and vice versa, as well as the meetings between some USA and EU representatives with the auto proclaimed transnistrian authorities created the impression of a soon conflict settlement by observing the Republic of Moldova’s national interest. The sequence of the events proves the complexity of the current negotiation round and their capacity to be unforeseeable.
Thus, in spite that on June 10, 2008 in Helsinki was decided to put all the efforts in order to restart the 5+2 negotiation process by strengthening the trust measures between Chisinau and Tiraspol, in order to convince the separatist leader it was necessary a personal meeting with the Foreign Minister of Ukraine in Odessa on June 14, 2008, only four days after the Helsinki meeting. This mysterious meeting of the Foreign Minister of Ukraine, Vl. Ograzco, and of the separatist leader I. Smirnov is full of significance because of the Russian Federation’s reaction as well as because of the meeting statements. So, there are identified two aspects of primordial importance. The first aspect emerges from the I. Smirnov’s declarations concerning the “Chisinau’s exclusion in the negotiations about the border demarcation between Ukraine and Transnistria”. Or, indirectly these pretensions of direct negotiations between Ukraine and Transnistria regarding border delimitation are equivalent to the recognition of the transnistrian state; all this because negotiations on issues about border delimitation can take place only between two recognized states. This fact demonstrates ones again that Transnistria regardless of the international situation is not willing to give up the independence purpose. The second aspect has a more symbolic nature and refers to the separatist leader’s statements about “the relevance and the present interest of the Iuscenco Plan”. Establishing a correlation between the present initiatives of conflict settlement and the 2005 plan, which turned out to be non functional and hasn’t been implemented is not a very good association for the EU, Ukraine and Republic of Moldova aspirations to settle the conflict and demonstrates clearly the intentions of blocking the negotiations by the Transnistrian authorities.
The reaction of the Russian Federation regarding the Odessa meeting was prompt and showed the Russian geopolitical interests in the transnistrian conflict, as well as its double standards policy concerning this issue. So, during the visit on June 19-21 of the Security Council President of the Russian Federation in Chisinau, Iu. Zubacov, was asked the exclusion of any political or economic pressure on separatist authorities, these statements meaning a warning towards Moldovan authorities regarding the strategy that has to be followed during the current discussion round. Concomitantly, in spite of the statements of good intentions made in Chisinau, during Zubacov’s visit in Tiraspol, he assured the auto proclaimed authorities that they will get support from the Russian federation, stating that “Russia is not going to press Transnistria in order to force it to reunite with Republic of Moldova”, and the grant of the state medal “Security Council of the Russian Federation” by Zubakov to a transnistrian official during the same visit is a symbolic act that clearly denotes the total support accorded to the separatist regime. The fact that after Zubakov’s visit in Chisinau, president Voronin was forced to demand the EU’s representative for the Foreign Policy and Common Security that the transnistrian issue to be discussed during the EU – Russia Summit on June 25-26, 2008 is a prove of the ambiguous position of the Russian authorities and their unwillingness to settle the conflict by observing the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova. Last hour events that took place in Tiraspol refer to the demission of V. Litkai, already ex minister of Foreign Affairs, who according to some Kiev sources had a pro-Ukrainian orientation and was accused of damaging the relation with Russia, confirms the consolidation policy of Russia concerning the transnistrian conflict.
In the case of the communist authorities policy from Chisinau we could notice the excessive statements concerning the finality and the proximate settlement of the conflict in spite of the complex settlement framework. Such a situation makes us suppose that the current authorities are more concerned by their political image at the 2009 elections, than to promote consequent policies based on the promotion of the national interest, and in such a situation they are liable to conform to the Russian federation blackmail, generating this way insecurity and uncertainty among the Moldovan civil society.
Forecasts
The adoption of the National Security Concept without an ample discussion with the civil society, as well as serious lacks that this has concerning the correlation of security with the democratic principles will determine the raise of the political instability in the country and contribute to the worsening of the democratization issue. In the national identity crisis conditions that characterize Republic of Moldova and legislating the state involvement in the civil society field, communist authorities will continue the massive intimidation of the pro-Rumanian and pro-occidental forces, even if they declare themselves for the European integration, all this in the detriment of the democratic development of the Republic of Moldova. The lack of a clear delimitation between the state institutions and civil society within the National Security Concept proves the communists intention of undemocratic involvement in the field of the civil society regardless of sphere: ONGs, church and religion, freedom of mass-media. Such a policy is in agreement with Russian federation geopolitical interests for whom the democratization of the Moldovan society is equivalent with the lost of influence and thus a test of communist authorities’ loyalty.
The current international context is favorable to the involvement of the Russian Federation “regarding transnistrian conflict settlement”, for which the settlement equals to the political reorganization of the Republic of Moldova and the institutional guaranty of control toward it, regardless of the terminology that is going to be used. Thus, the perspectives of settling the conflict are uncertain with an ascendant imperialist Russia that is opposing the NATO and EU enlargement process. It is expected that the Russian Federation will continue its effort to correlate the transnistrian conflict settlement with the activities of strengthening the CIS. The raising presence of EU and NATO in the region will determine the intensification of the cooperation with Russia and separatist authorities in order to block the EU initiatives and reserve that right for them; the case of Valeri Litkai dismissal being an example.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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