Politics
Analysis: Putin prods PACE to rescind Saakashvili invitation
Reading Time: 4 minutesOn January 17 Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE) President Rene van der Linden paid a farewell visit to Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin. With van der Linden’s term as P
Author: Vladimir Socor, Eurasia Daily Monitor
On January 17 Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE) President Rene van der Linden paid a farewell visit to Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin. With van der Linden’s term as PACE president expiring today (January 21), Putin invited him as a token of “appreciation for the fruitful common work.” According to the Moscow daily Kommersant, which interviewed van der Linden and relevant Russian officials following the meeting with Putin, an informal deal was struck. The Duma’s international affairs committee chairman and Russian delegation chief to PACE, Konstantin Kosachev, has also outlined this deal for the Russian media (Kommersant, Interfax, January 18).
The reported agreement is a fallback option for both sides, reflecting the sudden unraveling of Kremlin-connected politician Mikhail Margelov’s bid for the PACE presidency, which van der Linden and a few strategically placed British Tories had almost arranged during the final months of van der Linden’s term (see EDM, October 11, 22, 2007). Just ahead of the Assembly session’s January 21 opening, serious reservations among PACE members seem about to frustrate the Kremlin’s capture of the presidency of Europe’s main democracy-promoting organization.
Consequently, the Kremlin has agreed with van der Linden to postpone Margelov’s bid for the Assembly’s presidency by two years and go along with another PACE president — apparently from Spain — for that term. Van der Linden and his backers would reciprocate with two concessions.
First, they would cancel or otherwise block the planned invitation to Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili to address PACE in Strasbourg on January 24 as part of the debate on PACE’s report on democracy in Georgia. The debate and Saakashvili’s address had been included in the Assembly’s agenda for the January session. With only three days remaining until the scheduled date, van der Linden and his allies are withholding the necessary signatures to the already prepared invitation letter to the Georgian president. Moscow apparently wants the debate to go ahead without his presence, so as to enjoy maximum leeway to assail Georgia.
Second, under this informal agreement, PACE’s debate on Russia’s recently held, deeply flawed parliamentary elections would be postponed from PACE’s winter session to the summer session (skipping the spring session), thereby diluting the interest in and political topicality of that issue. Moreover, Putin would be invited to address PACE’s spring session for a ceremonial event, unencumbered by any real debate on the suppression of democracy in Russia. Van der Linden invited Putin to PACE on these specified terms during his Moscow visit. With only four days remaining in his PACE presidency, this move effectively abuses his authority and saddles his presumptive successor (other than Margelov) with the consequences of this manipulation of the agenda.
During his visit, van der Linden again pleaded with Putin for ratification of two protocols to the European Convention on Human Rights by Russia’s Duma. Protocol 6 abolishes the death penalty, while Protocol 14 enshrines the right of individuals to complain to the European Court of Human Rights over violations of their rights by government authorities. Many PACE members (and other European politicians) feel so strongly about these particular issues that they seem prepared to tolerate Russia’s breaches of the long list of obligations it undertook in 1996 in return for its admission to the Council of Europe (see EDM, October 22, 2007). Compared with that list, a putative Russian ratification of the two protocols would amount to a modicum step. Yet van der Linden has again returned empty-handed from Moscow on this and other issues of current interest to PACE, such as bringing to account those responsible for the assassination of Anna Politkovskaya and other Russian journalists. Nevertheless, van der Linden claimed in his interview, “Putin’s invitation demonstrated that Russia’s authorities share the same fundamental moral values as the Council of Europe” (Kommersant, January 18).
Significantly, van der Linden asked none other than Putin — and not for the first time — to ensure ratification of Protocols 6 and 14 by the Duma. Resorting to this avenue demonstrates the awareness of van der Linden and other supporters of Margelov’s candidacy for PACE’s presidency that the Kremlin controls the work of Russia’s legislature (and also its election, as the December vote reconfirmed). Nevertheless, Margelov’s supporters at PACE seem to be in denial of that fact when they treat Margelov as a normally elected politician, discounting his Kremlin connection even after he had confirmed for Russian media that the Kremlin had authorized his candidacy for PACE’s presidency. Meanwhile, Margelov claims personally to support ratification of the two protocols while Putin claims to be unable to influence the Duma to ratify.
The upcoming Georgia debate and the issue of sending the prepared invitation to Saakashvili was discussed on January 20 at the meeting of top PACE leaders on the eve of the session’s opening. Margelov took a strongly anti-Georgian position, which may be taken as an indication that he and Moscow have accepted the proposed two-year deferral of Margelov’s candidacy to the Assembly’s presidency, in return for dis-inviting Saakashvili from this session and inviting Putin for the spring session.
Moreover, it is common knowledge that PACE would be unable to invite Saakashvili for the April session, lest it be seen as supporting the governing party in Georgia’s parliamentary elections, the campaign for which will be in full swing in April and May. Thus, Moscow could turn both sessions into anti-Georgian events when PACE discusses the Georgia report in January and welcomes Putin in April, if the Putin-van der Linden informal agreement goes ahead on the terms reported. But van der Linden’s ability to deliver is evaporating as he completes his presidential term, and his presumptive successor, Luis Maria de Puig (Spanish Socialist), should be able to act independently of the outgoing president.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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