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7 ways of re-opening schools in Moldova – the present-day problems of the education system

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In the Republic of Moldova, all educational institutions are closed nowadays, just as in other 128 countries in the world. That means 586 158 students who were forced to cease their educational process due to the coronavirus pandemic, according to the data published by the World Bank.

The Minister of Education, Culture and Research, Igor Sarov, recently announced a plan to open schools in a traditional format starting September 1.

According to the official’s announcement7 study models were proposed for public debate, each school being able to choose the most suitable one in the new academic year:

  1.  100% physical attendance at school
    It is applicable in the case of schools and groups with a relatively low number of students, in accordance with the sanitary and epidemiological requirements.
  2.  Learning in 2 shifts
    Applicable for schools with many students in the same age group where the educational activity would be performed in 2 shifts.
  3.  Blended learning
    It involves dividing school into days of attendance and days of distance communication: one day students come to school, the next day remote online communication takes place.
  4. Hybrid learning
    It involves dividing the group of students into two parts: one day a part of them come to school, the next day the same students take online lessons. The same thing happens to the other part of students.
  5. Alternated learning
    The model is based on providing two shifts to the group of students: one week they come to school, the next week they do online lessons.
  6. Remote learning (including online)
    This model can be applied in certain situations when recording many COVID-19 confirmed cases in a group/school/locality.
  7. Mixed learning
    This model involves combining two or three of the previously-presented models.

Equal access to e-learning?

After all schools were closed on March 11, students from the Republic of Moldova were forced to study at home, sitting in front of a computer or being connected to their phone. Yet the education system was unprepared to adapt to such changes at such short notice.

One of the most important issues of the education system in the Republic of Moldova turned out to be the limited access to devices connected to internet both pupils and their teachers encounter. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, 47.7% of Moldovan families have not even one computer at home, those from rural areas having a visible disadvantage when compared to families from urban areas. The same source said that only 41% of the population of Moldova has a computer and only 38.7% have internet access.

“Limited access to information technology and internet, especially in rural areas, is a major obstacle in providing remote education for all students. Therefore, a big number of students are not guaranteed access to online education, either due to the high cost of the internet services or due to the lack of infrastructure/equipment,” claimed the representatives of the of the “Solidary Parents” Group.

Efforts towards facilitating the access to devices connected to internet are being made. Government of the Republic of Moldova has allocated about 20 million lei for the purchase of equipment necessary for a qualitative development of educational process. Also, non-governmental organisations, businesses and foreign partners offered their support to the education system from Moldova.

Still, that is not enough. The Ministry of Education, Culture and Research (MECR) has created a map presenting the distribution of the demand for computers, tablets and other devices needed for remote learning. Anyone can access the map, check the demand for devices in a certain Moldovan district and donate a device to a student or a teacher who doesn’t have one.

See also: Is the education system in Moldova prepared for online schools?

The low rate of internet literacy is another problem of the Moldovan education system that shouldn’t be ignored. Many citizens of the Republic of Moldova do not have the technical skills required to figure out how to download, install and use tools needed for remote learning, the UN Moldova reported.

Lessons, explanations, conferences, recordings, presentations, discussions, homework – all of that had to go online at a certain moment and most education system’s employees weren’t prepared for it. Some teachers and students were flexible enough to learn during the coronavirus pandemic, others didn’t.

According to an online survey conducted by the Institute of Public Policies (IPP), where 33 500 students, 22 500 parents, 5 350 teachers and 650 managers participated, 80% of country’s teachers and 60% of students needed special training when using online educational platforms.

State and private teacher training programs were never specifically oriented towards the development of digital skills. Even when such training was organised, the obtained knowledge wasn’t put in practice.

At the same time, the survey results also stated that 45% of teachers had no problems with the organisation of the remote learning process, as previously, they had the opportunity to try different digital tools and implement the most effective ones. However, 20% of teachers who answered the survey questions did not express a concrete point of view, being rather indifferent regarding this subject.

The third problem in the context of the online learning in Moldova during the pandemic period is the lack of a well-developed, unique plan for remote learning. Teachers were given freedom to choose the format they wished to implement, which made things chaotic for students and parents, who had to install a number of different software depending on the course and teacher.

On the other hand, teachers struggled with collecting homework and reviewing progress through such decentralised activities. They used individual chats to share the content, which made the process even more confusing for all involved participants. Teachers were required to report daily to their managers, which turned out to be one more meticulous administrative task.

The IPP survey revealed that the lack of a single strategy at the institution level regarding the online tools that were about to be used, as well as the lack of strict decisions of central authorities made the online learning process even more difficult.  35% of respondents considered that there were too many online platforms used. Such online platforms as Skype – 53.7%, email – 42%, online Classroom, Zoom, Moodle – 40%; Viber, Messenger – 25%, and other platforms – 21% were used.

That is while an e-learning platform called studii.md was created in 2018 through a public-private partnership and the help of the UNDP Moldova. The platform enables displaying grades, uploading homework for review, writing comments by teachers, attaching video lessons and links, holding video conferences, keeping a library of electronic books, accessing students’ profiles with progress monitoring, etc. It also provides statistics on the progress and absences of each student for any period of time.

As of May 2020, 55 schools from all over the country have connected to Studii.md. 68 375 user accounts have been registered, which includes around 33 860 parents, 32 000 students and 2 500 teachers, as the UN Moldova informed. Later on, the platform was included in the list of recommended distance learning tools by the MECR, but it was never compulsory to use it.

Recently, the MECR announced a partnership with Google, through which free access giant’s technologies and tools for education from the G Suite Package will be provided to teachers and students in the Republic of Moldova.

According to the Ministry, among the Google technologies teachers and students will benefit from are Google Classroom, Google Meet, Google Drive and Google Sites. In this regard, a training facilitated and coordinated by the National Center for Digital Innovation in Education “Class of the Future” will be delivered to over 15 000 teachers across the country.

Photos: Moldova.org

Jurnalistă that speaks English very well. De aia Maria are grijă că prietenii noștri străini să nu piardă nicio informație valoroasă despre actualitatea din Moldova.

Society

“They are not needy, but they need help”. How Moldovan volunteers try to create a safe environment for the Ukrainian refugees

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At the Government’s ground floor, the phones ring constantly, the laptop screens never reach standby. In one corner of the room there is a logistics planning meeting, someone has a call on Zoom with partners and donors, someone else finally managed to take a cookie and make some coffee. Everyone is exhausted and have sleepy red eyes, but the volunteers still have a lot of energy and dedication to help in creating a safe place for the Ukrainian refugees.

“It’s like a continuous bustle just so you won’t read the news. You get home sometimes and you don’t have time for news, and that somehow helps. It’s a kind of solidarity and mutual support,” says Vlada Ciobanu, volunteer responsible for communication and fundraising.

The volunteers group was formed from the very first day of war. A Facebook page was created, where all types of messages immediately started to flow: “I offer accommodation”, “I want to help”, “I want to get involved”, “Where can I bring the products?”, “I have a car and I can go to the customs”. Soon, the authorities also started asking for volunteers’ support. Now they all work together, coordinate activities and try to find solutions to the most difficult problems.

Is accommodation needed for 10, 200 or 800 people? Do you need transportation to the customs? Does anyone want to deliver 3 tons of apples and does not know where? Do you need medicine or mobile toilets? All these questions require prompt answers and actions. Blankets, sheets, diapers, hygiene products, food, clothes – people bring everything, and someone needs to quickly find ways of delivering them to those who need them.

Sometimes this collaboration is difficult, involves a lot of bureaucracy, and it can be difficult to get answers on time. “Republic of Moldova has never faced such a large influx of refugees and, probably because nobody thought this could happen, a mechanism of this kind of crisis has not been developed. Due to the absence of such a mechanism that the state should have created, we, the volunteers, intervened and tried to help in a practical way for the spontaneous and on the sport solutions of the problems,” mentions Ecaterina Luțișina, volunteer responsible for the refugees’ accommodation.

Ana Maria Popa, one of the founders of the group “Help Ukrainians in Moldova/SOS Українці Молдовa” says that the toughest thing is to find time and have a clear mind in managing different procedures, although things still happen somehow naturally. Everyone is ready to intervene and help, to take on more responsibilities and to act immediately when needed. The biggest challenges arise when it is necessary to accommodate large families, people with special needs, for which alternative solutions must be identified.

Goods and donations

The volunteers try to cope with the high flow of requests for both accommodation and products of all kinds. “It came to me as a shock and a panic when I found out that both mothers who are now in Ukraine, as well as those who found refuge in our country are losing their milk because of stress. We are trying to fill an enormous need for milk powder, for which the demand is high and the stocks are decreasing”, says Steliana, the volunteer responsible for the distribution of goods from the donation centers.

Several centers have been set up to collect donations in all regions of Chisinau, and volunteers are redirecting the goods to where the refugees are. A system for processing and monitoring donations has already been established, while the volunteer drivers take over the order only according to a unique code.

Volunteers from the collection centers also do the inventory – the donated goods and the distributed goods. The rest is transported to Vatra deposit, from where it is distributed to the placement centers where more than 50 refugees are housed.

When they want to donate goods, but they don’t know what would be needed, people are urged to put themselves in the position of refugees and ask themselves what would they need most if they wake up overnight and have to hurriedly pack their bags and run away. Steliana wants to emphasise that “these people are not needy, but these people need help. They did not choose to end up in this situation.”

Furthermore, the volunteer Cristina Sîrbu seeks to identify producers and negotiate prices for products needed by refugees, thus mediating the procurement process for NGOs with which she collaborates, such as Caritas, World Children’s Fund, Polish Solidarity Fund, Lifting hands, Peace Corps and others.

One of the challenges she is facing now is the identifying a mattress manufacturer in the West, because the Moldovan mattress manufacturer that has been helping so far no longer has polyurethane, a raw material usually imported from Russia and Ukraine.

Cristina also needs to find solutions for the needs of the volunteer groups – phones, laptops, gsm connection and internet for a good carrying out of activities.

Hate messages

The most difficult thing for the communication team is to manage the hate messages on the social networks, which started to appear more often. “Even if there is some sort of dissatisfaction from the Ukrainian refugees and those who offer help, we live now in a very diverse society, there are different kind of people, and we act very differently under stress,” said Vlada Ciobanu.

Translation by Cătălina Bîrsanu

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Featured

FC Sheriff Tiraspol victory: can national pride go hand in hand with political separatism?

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A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.

International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.

Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.

Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.

Is it Moldova?

First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.

At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”

What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.

“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.

Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.

Is it a victory?

In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.

Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.

“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”

Is it only about football?

FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.

The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.

Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.

Photo: unknown

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Elections

Russia’s legislative elections: Why are there 27 polling stations in Transnistria?

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Legislative elections are currently being held in Russia between September 17-19, as 450 new members in the State Duma need to be elected.

The Central Election Commission (CEC) of the Russian Federation decided to open a record number of polling stations in the Transnistrian region – 27 polling stations, in addition to only 3 polling station opened on the right bank of the Dniester in such big cities as Chisinau, Comrat and Balti.

That is the largest number of polling stations opened by the Russian CEC in a foreign country, and five polling stations more than in the 2016 elections. Two of the polling stations were established in Tiraspol, being open from Friday to Sunday. The rest of the Russian polling stations on the Transnistrian territory are opened on Sunday only. The most astonishing fact is that no state other than Russia has ever opened polling stations in the separatist region of the Republic of Moldova. Actually, no polling stations are being opened on the Transnistrian territory when it comes to national elections of the Republic of Moldova either.

Therefore, one could say that the stakes are high when it comes to Transnistrian voters, especially since, most likely, the hopes of Russian authorities are not necessarily based on a large turnout and their real support, rather on the real possibility of electoral fraud on a territory that is not controlled by the constitutional authorities in Chisinau.

Before the presidential elections in 2018, Russian authorities announced that there are 220 thousand Russian citizens living in the Transnistrian region. That time, 24 polling stations were opened in the separatist area. Despite the fact that the Tiraspol Electoral Commission announced that, in the last year and a half alone, the voter turnout has officially fallen in the region by more than 7 700 people, the Russian CEC still decided to establish a record number of polling stations this year, which strengthened the argument about the possibility of election fraud.

Both Tiraspol’s administration and the regional media campaigned for the ruling political party United Russia and called for a high turnout at polling stations. Transnistria’s leader, Vadim Krasnoselski, urged the people on the left bank of the Dniester to come to the polls “because despite all the difficulties, Russia does not forget Transnistria and helps it as much as possible.”

It seems that the campaigning, along with the Russian sponsorship in the region, show great results during every election ballot, as Russian citizens voting in Russian elections in Transnistria are a more active electorate than Moldovan citizens residing in Transnistria and voting in the Moldovan elections at the polling stations arranged on the other bank of the Dniester, especially for them. In the previous Russia’s legislative elections, 56 thousand people voted in Transnistria, while just under 29 thousand inhabitants of the Transnistrian region voted in the recent Moldova’s parliamentary elections.

Before every election ballot held in the Russian Federation, Moldovan authorities make statements, suggesting the Russian side to abstain from opening polling stations in Transnistria, whereas Russian authorities ignore them every time.

This year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of the Republic of Moldova also sent a note of protest against opening the polling stations in Transnistria. “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration regrets that, despite the position consistently expressed by the Moldovan authorities, the Russian side acted in a manner that does not correspond to the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova and the bilateral legal framework.”

The Ministry representatives noted that Russian authorities were informed of the lack of impediments to open polling stations in localities under the control of Moldova’s constitutional authorities and requested the Russian side to refrain from opening the 27 polling stations in the localities of the breakaway region, given the impossibility of ensuring the necessary security conditions for the current elections.

Moscow’s Central Election Commission also opened nine polling stations in Abkhazia and ten in South Ossetia – two disputed territories that were internationally recognised by Russia and a few more countries, while considered under military occupation, according to the Georgian Government. These lands, that are under the exclusive control of Russia, offer good opportunities to ‘correct’ any uncomfortable results obtained in the country, where the ruling political party no longer enjoys as much support as it wants to appear.

Photo: wjct.org

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