Diaspora
How Diaspora Communities Influence Politics at Home: Moldova Foundation’s experience
Reading Time: 5 minutes Presentation by Vlad Spanu, President of the Moldova Foundation at a Society for International Development
By Vlad Spânu*
In 1906, in Washington, DC, the American Jewish Committee has been established in response to a series of pogroms in czarist Russia, particularly the 1903 Chisinau pogrom. Chisinau (Russian transcript Kishinev) was a capital of Russia’s south-western Gubernia (county) Bessarabia, acquired by Russia in 1812 as a result of the Bucharest treaty that ended the Russian-Turkish war of 1806-1812. Russians obtained half of the territory of the Principality of Moldova that was under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Turkey.
We needed almost 100 years to realize that an advocacy group to support democratic transformation, human rights in what was Bessarabia, now the Republic of Moldova, is necessary.
In fact, the Moldova Foundation is the first non-governmental organization focused exclusively on advocacy matters for Moldova not only in U.S., but also elsewhere. Why are we so behind of others?
If on ethnicity, are they Romanians or Moldovans? Do they speak Romanian or Moldovan? Some say they are Romanians. Others – Moldovans that speak Moldovan due to political convenience, ignorance, believes implanted by 150 years of Russian, then Soviet propaganda and Russification, deportations, organized famine, collectivization and other crimes of the Communist regime.
As result, citizens of the Republic of Moldova who emigrate abroad in mass (official and unofficial statistics suggest from half million to one million or 25 % of the country‘s population) hardly form Moldovan communities. Ethnic Romanians are likely to become part of the Romanian communities formed by emigrants from Romania. Ethnic Ukrainians – to Ukrainian communities formed by emigrants from Ukraine, etc.
According to the World Bank’s Migration and Remittances Factbook for 2008, 36.2 percent of Moldova’s GDP in 2007 came from money sent home by the Moldovan emigrants. The country tops the rankings together with Tajikistan, showing how tied the relations of those who left the country are with their families who stay in Moldova. It is a huge potential that is underestimated so far and not fully used.
In the last years, the Moldovan government has adopted several decisions, organized events aimed at encouraging the establishment of the Moldova diaspora. The government is mostly motivated by its own political agenda. In recent years, the official Chisinau has adopted a series of policies, called by experts “the Moldovenism”, aimed at building the Moldovan nation, a theory of the czarist Russia and the Soviet Union. The Moldovan authorities went as far in 2007 as calling the people in Romania, residing in the counties of the historical Principality of Moldova, its western part, as the Moldovan minority, which is absurd for those who have elementary knowledge of the history of Romania and Moldova and of the linguistic issues.
On this background, the Moldova Foundation was created in 2003. I was the founder, a Moldovan citizen, a former diplomat who left the foreign service in 2001, when the communist party won the elections promising to unite Moldova with Russia and Belarus, reinstall the Russian as the state language, revisit the privatization programs, etc. I was joined in my effort by several classmates from Harvard who decided to stay connected after graduation through a project, which was the project I proposed – the Moldova Foundation. Later on, other high profile individuals interested in Moldova joined the Board of Directors.
If I was behind of the Jewish Community in Washington by 100 years, I was behind by 10 years of the U.S.-Baltic Foundation and U.S.-Ukraine Foundation, the footsteps of which I followed. Like these two organizations, the Moldova Foundation is not a Diaspora group, but an advocacy organization, formed by mostly non-Moldovans (from the United States, Australia, Israel, Germany, even Nigeria).
Our main goal is to support civil society in Moldova to enjoy freedoms that we enjoy here, in the Western world, as well as to get free from the Russian military occupation of Eastern region of Moldova, called Transnistria, that borders Ukraine. We want Moldova to be a full member of NATO and EU as did the three former Soviet Republics – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – that share the same fate with Moldova: Russian occupation in 1940 as a result of the Soviet-Nazi pact known as Ribbentrop-Molotov.
It is not an easy task, especially these days when Moldova is ruled by the Communist Party, which, through democratic elections in 2001 took control of the presidency, parliament, government. According to the Freedom House’s Nations in Transit, in 2008, comparing with 2001, all indexes, including electoral process, civil society, independent media and judiciary, has been worsening (except corruption, which is constant, meaning bad). Persecution and harassment of the opposition parties is common. Independent media outlets are closed through privatization schemes or non-issuing licenses. Therefore, there is a lot of work to be done by the international organizations, donor-countries, which provide technical assistance and support. 
Thus, the Moldova Foundation has focused on advocacy in the West, not on programs in Moldova. Our main financial supporter is the Open Society Institute that understood our goals and objectives from the very beginning. We have organized public events, mostly in Washington, but also in Brussels and recently in Romania and Moldova. We have created the Friends of Moldova informal group that includes former U.S. ambassadors to Moldova, people from the think tank community and universities in Washington that are interested in Moldova-related issues. At the meetings we hold 4-5 times a year, the group identifies obstacles for Moldova to move forward and provides policy recommendations.
The first problem we tackled was the Transnistrian conflict and Russia’s military presence in Moldova – these are two interrelated issues. Several experts from the Republic of Moldova and from abroad and I elaborated the 3-D Strategy (Decriminalization, Demilitarization and Democratization) for the resolution of this conflict, changing the goal from “status first” (of the Transnistrian region) to “prepare the ground first” for elaborating the status of the region. The strategy was promoted in Moldova in September-October 2004 (to all political actors and a consensus among the government, opposition and NGOs was reached), Washington (end of 2004) and Brussels (beginning of 2005). The principles of the 3-D strategy were embraced by Moldova, United States, EU (and its members), and Ukraine. Then Russia followed the suit, accepted a new negotiation format – 5+2: Russia, Moldova, Transnistrian secessionist administration, Ukraine, OSCE and the two observers, U.S. and EU. This resulted in two Moldovan laws adopted in 2005 that change the premises on how the conflict is resolved; monitoring of the Ukraine-Moldova border by the EU to prevent smuggling of goods and weapons; launching programs design to engage the civil society groups in the Transnistrian region. In addition, in 2006, the Friends of Moldova group elaborated recommendations for policy makers in two non-papers focused on the democratization of the Transnistrian region and on changing the existing military format that is stationed in the security zone in Moldova into a new multinational peacekeeping force that would secure the peace in that region.
Besides, the foundation has organized events that familiarized the Washington establishment with the results of elections in Moldova (in 2005 – parliamentary elections – and in 2007 – local elections) and their implications for the regional security, among other events focused on democratic reforms and obstacles Moldova feces.
* Presentation by Vlad Spânu, President of the Moldova Foundation at a Society for International Development’s event Distant Cousins: How Diaspora Communities Influence Politics at Home on June 27, 2008; Time: 12:00 p.m. – 1:30 p.m.; Venue: Johns Hopkins University, Rome Building Auditorium; 1619 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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