{"id":449553,"date":"2021-07-27T17:48:45","date_gmt":"2021-07-27T17:48:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?p=449553"},"modified":"2021-07-27T17:58:44","modified_gmt":"2021-07-27T17:58:44","slug":"is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/","title":{"rendered":"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government’s agenda?"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 6<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

A recent Euronews<\/strong> article presented the Transnistrian conflict as not being heavily featured on the agenda of President Maia Sandu or her former party that would form the future majority government in Parliament. “When it comes to Transnistria, the new government in Chisinau and Sandu herself have refrained from commenting on the issue.”<\/em> Euronews suggests that the pledge to continue talks within the 5+2 framework wouldn’t be enough. “Talks have tended to focus on security, free movement, human rights, and economic issues rather than the elephant in the room: namely, whether Transnistria and its population will re-join Moldova,” <\/em>is mentioned in the article<\/a>.<\/p>\n

History tells it all<\/h3>\n

The Transnistrian conflict has been lasting for almost 30 years now and the issue is more layered than it seems. Let’s take it from the beginning: what is Transnistria? It’s the successor of\u00a0 the western part of the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (RASS)<\/strong>\u00a0– a broken territory of Soviet Ukraine, which was given autonomy back in 1924. It was foreseen as a tool of powerful political and propaganda factor in solving the “Bessarabian question”<\/span>, meaning the re-annexation of Bessarabia by the Soviet Union in 1940. Thus, on August 2, 1940, the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic<\/strong> was proclaimed part of the Soviet Union, which included the western part of the Moldovan RASS and most of the territory between the Prut and the Dniester.<\/p>\n

The left bank of the Dniester has been always vastly populated by Ukrainians and Russians, especially during the industrialisation of the area when a significant migration from other Soviet republics happened. The autonomy of the region was never a problem during the Soviet Union, until the moment the Republic of Moldova declared it’s independence. Then, the powerful tool implemented back in 1924 did it’s job for the second time. This is how the Transnistrian conflict began.<\/p>\n

The current situation<\/h3>\n

Nowadays, Transnistria is de jure<\/em> part of Moldova, but de facto<\/em> it is a semi-presidential republic with its own government, parliament, military, police, postal system, currency and vehicle registration. Moscow never withdrew its troops of the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF)\u00a0<\/strong>that still conduct over 100 military exercises each year in Transnistria and in the Security Zone. About 1000 of Russian soldiers supervise the Cobasna arms depot, which is thought to house about 20 000 tons of guns and ammunition. The Russian troops, under the excuse of the peacekeeping mission, established multiple stations and checkpoints, being always militarily present in the area.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> The role of the 5+2 negotiations and the Russian \u2018peacekeeping mission\u2019 in settling the Transnistrian conflict<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

In 2017, the\u00a0Constitutional Court<\/strong>\u00a0ruled<\/a>\u00a0that Moldova remained\u00a0\u201cunder military occupation\u201d<\/em><\/span>, concluding that the Russian Federation hadn\u2019t withdrawn its occupation troops but, on the contrary, had strengthened its military presence in the Transnistrian region. Since she took office, President Maia Sandu has also\u00a0insisted<\/a>\u00a0on the withdrawal of Russian troops and removal of Russian weapons from Moldovan territory, calling for the replacement of the existing military peacekeeping mission with a civilian observer mission under the OSCE supervision.<\/p>\n

Transnistrian residents who hold the Moldovan citizenship can vote during every Moldovan election, despite the fact that, before every ballot, concerns regarding possible fraud are raised. The Moldovan side, on the other hand, is ‘asked’<\/em> to not interfere in the ‘internal’<\/em> affairs of Transnistria<\/span>, especially when it comes to smuggling or illegal financial schemes.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> The last week before the parliamentary elections \u2013 disputes, promises and fraud attempts<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

At the same time, the Bureau for Reintegration Policies has never reacted in accordance to the illegalities happening to the Transnistrian residents. No matter how many criminal cases, prosecutions, arrests, illegal sentences and imprisonments happened in the Transnistrian region, the Moldovan state authorities stood aside.<\/p>\n

The Russian influence<\/h3>\n

“In addition, the political influence of the Russian government is undergirded by the presence of Russian troops, who are ostensibly stationed in the territory to guard a Soviet-era ammunition depot and, as peacekeepers, to uphold a 1992 cease-fire between Transnistrian and Moldovan forces. Moscow has also financially supported the territory\u2019s pension system and provided subsidized energy,”<\/em> is stated in the Freedom in the World Report<\/strong>\u00a0<\/em><\/a> published by\u00a0Freedom House. <\/strong><\/p>\n

The political, social and economic systems of the region are\u00a0\u201cheavily dependent on subsidies from Russia.\u201d<\/em> In exchange, \u201cTransnistria\u2019s entire political establishment, including opposition parties, supports the separatist agenda and Russia\u2019s role as the territory\u2019s foreign patron.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> Freedom House Report\/\/ The level of political rights and civil liberties in Moldova and the Transnistrian region<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, the national security of Moldova is under serious threat, as the natural \u00a0gas debt of the Republic of Moldova (except for the Transnistrian region) was artificially increased by at least\u00a0$952 million\u00a0<\/strong>\u201c<\/em>through abusive actions, committed by Gazprom in conspiracy with central authorities of Moldova,\u201d <\/em>the\u00a0WatchDog.MD Community <\/strong>said<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The main issue with the accumulating debts is related to a clause of the contract signed by “Moldovagaz” and “Gazprom”, according to which, the Moldovan supplier is obliged to provide gas to the Transnistrian region without being paid.<\/span> Moreover, “Moldovagaz” cannot interrupt the gas supply to the Transnistrian region without the written consent of “Gazprom”. The gas tariffs in Transnistria are much lower than the market average. All revenues from gas sales in Transnistria are actually \u201cloaned to the separatist region\u2019s budget.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0In such a way, both the Transnistrian and Moldovan parts get indebted \u2013 a scheme used for years in order to increase the dependence on Russia.<\/p>\n

There is one more thing: 80% of consumed electricity in Moldova is provided by a power plant (MGRES) located on the left bank of the Dniester (it was strategically placed there during the Soviet Union). The power plant, which is controlled by a Russian company, is the largest gas consumer in the Transnistrian region and, consequently, contributes the most to the amounting debt of “Moldovagaz” to “Gazprom”. Therefore, Moldova got itself into a vicious situation of nurturing the Transnistrian conflict through its own debts, while Russia can leverage its energetic monopoly at any moment.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> A WatchDog.MD report\/\/ The trap of consuming Russian gas and accumulating debts<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The new government<\/h3>\n

In order to have equal negotiating positions with \u201cGazprom\u201d, Moldova must have alternative sources of gas and electricity supply,\u201d\u00a0<\/em>the report concluded. The independence of the energy sector is one of the top priorities announced by the new government’s agenda. “Priority is given to interconnection projects for electricity, state recovery of the gas transmission network, along with strict monitoring of the implementation of these projects,”<\/em> President Maia Sandu<\/strong> declared<\/a> during the first plenary session of the newly elected Parliament.<\/p>\n

Political will is needed to end the Transnistrian conflict, including from the Kremlin, said the PAS leader, Igor Grosu<\/strong>, as being cited<\/a> by Euronews. “I believe that the Transnistrian region will have no reason to disturb the waters. Under regional conditions, a peaceful approach would be a plus for Moldova,”<\/em> he said.<\/p>\n

Political expert Mihai Isac<\/strong> told Euronews that President Sandu is setting a lot of hope on the involvement of the global community. “She wants to internationalise the issue to get Russia to start negotiations for the region’s political status,”<\/em> he said. Neither the president of the country, nor the political party that will form the majority government in Parliament (PAS) have never made strong statements related to the Transnistrian conflict resolution, precisely because they are aware of how complex the matter is.<\/p>\n

**<\/p>\n

There is no simple answer to the Transnistrian question. The Russian influence is still there, maintaining it’s troops illegally and fuelling money into the so-called Transnistrian government. It is especially hard when blackmails and threats arrive from Moscow: “if this government repels itself from Russia, then of course we will act accordingly, in particular,\u00a0strengthening our Transnistrian factor,\u201d<\/em>\u00a0claimed<\/a>\u00a0Head of the State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs, Eurasian Integration and Relations with Compatriots,\u00a0Leonid Kalashnikov<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

It’s not easy to solve the problem, as big black market players are not interested in stopping smuggling through the Transnistrian territory and wouldn’t give up their influence areas so easily. It is also not easy, as long as the Republic of Moldova doesn’t have an alternative for its energy sector.<\/p>\n

The Transnistrian problem can’t be solved even though there is political will and functioning institutions. It must be negotiated carefully at international level. Finding a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict could mean significantly higher chances of Moldova to join the EU, but also certain losses Moldova could suffer as a result of negotiations, beside the fact that Russia would not easily accept to lose its influence on Moldova.<\/p>\n

It is true that very few real things have been done by the governments of the Republic of Moldova in all these 30 years in order to bring the two banks of the Dniester closer together and, at least, to reintegrate the Transnistrian population. On the contrary, measures were taken by Moldovan authorities to worsen the situation.<\/p>\n

At the same time, it could be dangerous to put the foot down and make unilateral decisions. That would not help it at all: the Republic of Moldova already has a breakaway territory with a population that was intentionally relocated there since the time of the Soviet Union, that is living in a media bubble with influences of Russian propaganda, and that is led by loyal to Moscow leaders who are not willing to lose their power.<\/p>\n

It is from this premise that discussions must start, or continue. Until the resolution is adopted, the focus on security, free movement, human rights, and economic issues is imperative.<\/p>\n

Photo: unknown<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 6<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>A recent Euronews article presented the Transnistrian conflict as not being heavily featured on the agenda of President Maia Sandu or her former party that would form the future majority government in Parliament. “When it comes to Transnistria, the new government in Chisinau and Sandu herself have refrained from commenting on the issue.” Euronews suggests […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":449554,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10,56],"tags":[87,80,35,1095,524,27,233,203,58,917,32,31],"class_list":["post-449553","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reintegration","category-reportaje","tag-conflict","tag-government","tag-important","tag-influence","tag-international","tag-moldova","tag-parliament","tag-president","tag-reintegration","tag-resolution","tag-russia","tag-transnistria"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 6<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

A recent Euronews<\/strong> article presented the Transnistrian conflict as not being heavily featured on the agenda of President Maia Sandu or her former party that would form the future majority government in Parliament. “When it comes to Transnistria, the new government in Chisinau and Sandu herself have refrained from commenting on the issue.”<\/em> Euronews suggests that the pledge to continue talks within the 5+2 framework wouldn’t be enough. “Talks have tended to focus on security, free movement, human rights, and economic issues rather than the elephant in the room: namely, whether Transnistria and its population will re-join Moldova,” <\/em>is mentioned in the article<\/a>.<\/p>\n

History tells it all<\/h3>\n

The Transnistrian conflict has been lasting for almost 30 years now and the issue is more layered than it seems. Let’s take it from the beginning: what is Transnistria? It’s the successor of\u00a0 the western part of the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (RASS)<\/strong>\u00a0– a broken territory of Soviet Ukraine, which was given autonomy back in 1924. It was foreseen as a tool of powerful political and propaganda factor in solving the “Bessarabian question”<\/span>, meaning the re-annexation of Bessarabia by the Soviet Union in 1940. Thus, on August 2, 1940, the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic<\/strong> was proclaimed part of the Soviet Union, which included the western part of the Moldovan RASS and most of the territory between the Prut and the Dniester.<\/p>\n

The left bank of the Dniester has been always vastly populated by Ukrainians and Russians, especially during the industrialisation of the area when a significant migration from other Soviet republics happened. The autonomy of the region was never a problem during the Soviet Union, until the moment the Republic of Moldova declared it’s independence. Then, the powerful tool implemented back in 1924 did it’s job for the second time. This is how the Transnistrian conflict began.<\/p>\n

The current situation<\/h3>\n

Nowadays, Transnistria is de jure<\/em> part of Moldova, but de facto<\/em> it is a semi-presidential republic with its own government, parliament, military, police, postal system, currency and vehicle registration. Moscow never withdrew its troops of the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF)\u00a0<\/strong>that still conduct over 100 military exercises each year in Transnistria and in the Security Zone. About 1000 of Russian soldiers supervise the Cobasna arms depot, which is thought to house about 20 000 tons of guns and ammunition. The Russian troops, under the excuse of the peacekeeping mission, established multiple stations and checkpoints, being always militarily present in the area.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> The role of the 5+2 negotiations and the Russian \u2018peacekeeping mission\u2019 in settling the Transnistrian conflict<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

In 2017, the\u00a0Constitutional Court<\/strong>\u00a0ruled<\/a>\u00a0that Moldova remained\u00a0\u201cunder military occupation\u201d<\/em><\/span>, concluding that the Russian Federation hadn\u2019t withdrawn its occupation troops but, on the contrary, had strengthened its military presence in the Transnistrian region. Since she took office, President Maia Sandu has also\u00a0insisted<\/a>\u00a0on the withdrawal of Russian troops and removal of Russian weapons from Moldovan territory, calling for the replacement of the existing military peacekeeping mission with a civilian observer mission under the OSCE supervision.<\/p>\n

Transnistrian residents who hold the Moldovan citizenship can vote during every Moldovan election, despite the fact that, before every ballot, concerns regarding possible fraud are raised. The Moldovan side, on the other hand, is ‘asked’<\/em> to not interfere in the ‘internal’<\/em> affairs of Transnistria<\/span>, especially when it comes to smuggling or illegal financial schemes.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> The last week before the parliamentary elections \u2013 disputes, promises and fraud attempts<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

At the same time, the Bureau for Reintegration Policies has never reacted in accordance to the illegalities happening to the Transnistrian residents. No matter how many criminal cases, prosecutions, arrests, illegal sentences and imprisonments happened in the Transnistrian region, the Moldovan state authorities stood aside.<\/p>\n

The Russian influence<\/h3>\n

“In addition, the political influence of the Russian government is undergirded by the presence of Russian troops, who are ostensibly stationed in the territory to guard a Soviet-era ammunition depot and, as peacekeepers, to uphold a 1992 cease-fire between Transnistrian and Moldovan forces. Moscow has also financially supported the territory\u2019s pension system and provided subsidized energy,”<\/em> is stated in the Freedom in the World Report<\/strong>\u00a0<\/em><\/a> published by\u00a0Freedom House. <\/strong><\/p>\n

The political, social and economic systems of the region are\u00a0\u201cheavily dependent on subsidies from Russia.\u201d<\/em> In exchange, \u201cTransnistria\u2019s entire political establishment, including opposition parties, supports the separatist agenda and Russia\u2019s role as the territory\u2019s foreign patron.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> Freedom House Report\/\/ The level of political rights and civil liberties in Moldova and the Transnistrian region<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Moreover, the national security of Moldova is under serious threat, as the natural \u00a0gas debt of the Republic of Moldova (except for the Transnistrian region) was artificially increased by at least\u00a0$952 million\u00a0<\/strong>\u201c<\/em>through abusive actions, committed by Gazprom in conspiracy with central authorities of Moldova,\u201d <\/em>the\u00a0WatchDog.MD Community <\/strong>said<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The main issue with the accumulating debts is related to a clause of the contract signed by “Moldovagaz” and “Gazprom”, according to which, the Moldovan supplier is obliged to provide gas to the Transnistrian region without being paid.<\/span> Moreover, “Moldovagaz” cannot interrupt the gas supply to the Transnistrian region without the written consent of “Gazprom”. The gas tariffs in Transnistria are much lower than the market average. All revenues from gas sales in Transnistria are actually \u201cloaned to the separatist region\u2019s budget.\u201d<\/em>\u00a0In such a way, both the Transnistrian and Moldovan parts get indebted \u2013 a scheme used for years in order to increase the dependence on Russia.<\/p>\n

There is one more thing: 80% of consumed electricity in Moldova is provided by a power plant (MGRES) located on the left bank of the Dniester (it was strategically placed there during the Soviet Union). The power plant, which is controlled by a Russian company, is the largest gas consumer in the Transnistrian region and, consequently, contributes the most to the amounting debt of “Moldovagaz” to “Gazprom”. Therefore, Moldova got itself into a vicious situation of nurturing the Transnistrian conflict through its own debts, while Russia can leverage its energetic monopoly at any moment.<\/p>\n

See also:<\/strong> A WatchDog.MD report\/\/ The trap of consuming Russian gas and accumulating debts<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The new government<\/h3>\n

In order to have equal negotiating positions with \u201cGazprom\u201d, Moldova must have alternative sources of gas and electricity supply,\u201d\u00a0<\/em>the report concluded. The independence of the energy sector is one of the top priorities announced by the new government’s agenda. “Priority is given to interconnection projects for electricity, state recovery of the gas transmission network, along with strict monitoring of the implementation of these projects,”<\/em> President Maia Sandu<\/strong> declared<\/a> during the first plenary session of the newly elected Parliament.<\/p>\n

Political will is needed to end the Transnistrian conflict, including from the Kremlin, said the PAS leader, Igor Grosu<\/strong>, as being cited<\/a> by Euronews. “I believe that the Transnistrian region will have no reason to disturb the waters. Under regional conditions, a peaceful approach would be a plus for Moldova,”<\/em> he said.<\/p>\n

Political expert Mihai Isac<\/strong> told Euronews that President Sandu is setting a lot of hope on the involvement of the global community. “She wants to internationalise the issue to get Russia to start negotiations for the region’s political status,”<\/em> he said. Neither the president of the country, nor the political party that will form the majority government in Parliament (PAS) have never made strong statements related to the Transnistrian conflict resolution, precisely because they are aware of how complex the matter is.<\/p>\n

**<\/p>\n

There is no simple answer to the Transnistrian question. The Russian influence is still there, maintaining it’s troops illegally and fuelling money into the so-called Transnistrian government. It is especially hard when blackmails and threats arrive from Moscow: “if this government repels itself from Russia, then of course we will act accordingly, in particular,\u00a0strengthening our Transnistrian factor,\u201d<\/em>\u00a0claimed<\/a>\u00a0Head of the State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs, Eurasian Integration and Relations with Compatriots,\u00a0Leonid Kalashnikov<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

It’s not easy to solve the problem, as big black market players are not interested in stopping smuggling through the Transnistrian territory and wouldn’t give up their influence areas so easily. It is also not easy, as long as the Republic of Moldova doesn’t have an alternative for its energy sector.<\/p>\n

The Transnistrian problem can’t be solved even though there is political will and functioning institutions. It must be negotiated carefully at international level. Finding a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict could mean significantly higher chances of Moldova to join the EU, but also certain losses Moldova could suffer as a result of negotiations, beside the fact that Russia would not easily accept to lose its influence on Moldova.<\/p>\n

It is true that very few real things have been done by the governments of the Republic of Moldova in all these 30 years in order to bring the two banks of the Dniester closer together and, at least, to reintegrate the Transnistrian population. On the contrary, measures were taken by Moldovan authorities to worsen the situation.<\/p>\n

At the same time, it could be dangerous to put the foot down and make unilateral decisions. That would not help it at all: the Republic of Moldova already has a breakaway territory with a population that was intentionally relocated there since the time of the Soviet Union, that is living in a media bubble with influences of Russian propaganda, and that is led by loyal to Moscow leaders who are not willing to lose their power.<\/p>\n

It is from this premise that discussions must start, or continue. Until the resolution is adopted, the focus on security, free movement, human rights, and economic issues is imperative.<\/p>\n

Photo: unknown<\/p>\n

<\/div>
<\/div>
<\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>","yoast_head":"\nIs the Transnistrian problem on the new government's agenda? - Moldova.org<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Maria Dulgher\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Estimated reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"7 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Maria Dulgher\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\"},\"headline\":\"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government’s agenda?\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-07-27T17:48:45+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-07-27T17:58:44+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1592,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2021\\\/07\\\/transnistria.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"conflict\",\"Government\",\"Important\",\"influence\",\"international\",\"Moldova\",\"parliament\",\"president\",\"Reintegration\",\"resolution\",\"russia\",\"transnistria\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Reintegration\",\"Stories\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/\",\"name\":\"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government's agenda? - Moldova.org\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2021\\\/07\\\/transnistria.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-07-27T17:48:45+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-07-27T17:58:44+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2021\\\/07\\\/transnistria.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2021\\\/07\\\/transnistria.jpg\",\"width\":1030,\"height\":579},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government’s agenda?\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\",\"name\":\"Moldova.org\",\"description\":\"The first news website of Moldova\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\",\"name\":\"Maria Dulgher\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Maria Dulgher\"},\"description\":\"Jurnalist\u0103 that speaks English very well. De aia Maria are grij\u0103 c\u0103 prietenii no\u0219tri str\u0103ini s\u0103 nu piard\u0103 nicio informa\u021bie valoroas\u0103 despre actualitatea din Moldova.\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/mariuta.dulgher\",\"https:\\\/\\\/www.instagram.com\\\/marie.dulgher\\\/\",\"https:\\\/\\\/www.linkedin.com\\\/in\\\/maria-dulgher-4a9a2bb2\\\/\"],\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/author\\\/mariadulgher\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government's agenda? - Moldova.org","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Maria Dulgher","Estimated reading time":"7 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/"},"author":{"name":"Maria Dulgher","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf"},"headline":"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government’s agenda?","datePublished":"2021-07-27T17:48:45+00:00","dateModified":"2021-07-27T17:58:44+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/"},"wordCount":1592,"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/07\/transnistria.jpg","keywords":["conflict","Government","Important","influence","international","Moldova","parliament","president","Reintegration","resolution","russia","transnistria"],"articleSection":["Reintegration","Stories"],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/","name":"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government's agenda? - Moldova.org","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/07\/transnistria.jpg","datePublished":"2021-07-27T17:48:45+00:00","dateModified":"2021-07-27T17:58:44+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-GB","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/07\/transnistria.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2021\/07\/transnistria.jpg","width":1030,"height":579},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/is-the-transnistrian-problem-on-the-new-governments-agenda\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Is the Transnistrian problem on the new government’s agenda?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/","name":"Moldova.org","description":"The first news website of Moldova","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf","name":"Maria Dulgher","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Maria Dulgher"},"description":"Jurnalist\u0103 that speaks English very well. De aia Maria are grij\u0103 c\u0103 prietenii no\u0219tri str\u0103ini s\u0103 nu piard\u0103 nicio informa\u021bie valoroas\u0103 despre actualitatea din Moldova.","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/mariuta.dulgher","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/marie.dulgher\/","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/maria-dulgher-4a9a2bb2\/"],"url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/author\/mariadulgher\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/449553","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=449553"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/449553\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/449554"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=449553"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=449553"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=449553"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}