{"id":449513,"date":"2021-07-08T16:03:28","date_gmt":"2021-07-08T16:03:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?p=449513"},"modified":"2021-07-08T16:25:32","modified_gmt":"2021-07-08T16:25:32","slug":"freedom-house-report-the-level-of-political-rights-and-civil-liberties-in-moldova-and-the-transnistrian-region","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/freedom-house-report-the-level-of-political-rights-and-civil-liberties-in-moldova-and-the-transnistrian-region\/","title":{"rendered":"Freedom House Report\/\/ The level of political rights and civil liberties in Moldova and the Transnistrian region"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 5<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Moldova is a partially free country with a transitional or hybrid democratic regime, says the report<\/a> Freedom in the World<\/strong> <\/em>published by Freedom House<\/strong>. The report evaluates the level of political rights and civil liberties in a given geographical area, regardless of whether they are affected by the state, nonstate actors, or foreign powers.<\/p>\n

“Moldova has a competitive electoral environment, and freedoms of assembly, speech, and religion are mostly protected. Nonetheless, pervasive corruption in the government sector, links between major political figures and powerful economic interests, as well as critical deficiencies in the justice sector and the rule of law continue to hamper democratic governance,”<\/em> is emphasized in the report.<\/p>\n

In 2020, Moldova gained a score of 61 points<\/strong> out of a maximum of 100, that being 1 point more than a year earlier. The positive aspects mentioned in the report are related to the electoral process. Namely, that the country’s president, Maia Sandu, was elected through free and fair elections<\/span>, “becoming Moldova\u2019s first female president and defeating incumbent Igor Dodon in a free and fair two-round November election.<\/em><\/p>\n

“Political processes at the national level were dominated by the PSRM and its informal leader, President Dodon. The latter tried to consolidate power in his hands, but by end of the year, he had failed to recreate a Plahotniuc-style power vertical, as demonstrated by his loss in the presidential election.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

On the other hand, the parliamentary elections from February 2019 were assessed as having “shortcomings including credible allegations of pressure on public employees, indications of vote buying, and abuse of public resources for partisan electoral aims. Outcomes were also affected by limited space for independent media to present alternative viewpoints to voters.”<\/em> Thus, the current national legislative representatives are considered partially elected through free and fair elections.<\/p>\n

Deficiencies were also identified when it came to the fairness of electoral laws and framework, as well as their impartial implementation by the relevant election management bodies. The report authors mentioned the international disapproval for the mixed system introduced in 2017 under conditions of \u201ca lack of inclusive public debate and meaningful consultation with relevant stakeholders and no broad consensus\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Generally, there is a freedom to organize in different political parties in Moldova, as being reported. Still, political party legislation includes restrictions that “disallow regional, municipal, and local parties, as well as parties representing geographically concentrated ethnolinguistic minorities (for example, Gagauzians and Bulgarians).”<\/em>\u00a0Moreover, representation of women, people with disabilities, and Roma remains low in political participation, “though women and members of ethnic minorities attain office.”<\/em> Moreover, “LGBT+ people organize and advocate for equal rights, are discouraged from political engagement due to harassment.”<\/em><\/p>\n

Opposition parties have a strong presence in Parliament and can gain power through elections, but “oligarchs and business interests strongly influence and corrupt national and local political institutions, undermining political accountability.”<\/em> Yet after oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc resigned as PDM head and fled Moldova, “business elites have exerted less control over the state.”<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

According to the report, “corruption remains entrenched in all levels of government, and existing anticorruption laws are inadequately enforced.”<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

People in Moldova are generally able to engage in discussions of political nature without fear of retribution, the report states. “Private discussion is generally free and unfettered following the 2019 collapse of the DPM [Democratic Party of Moldova] government.” <\/em>Also, “freedom of assembly is constitutionally guaranteed and mostly upheld in practice.”<\/em> Despite the fact that the government limited public gatherings and restricted access to public areas in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, major protests were held during 2020. “In early December, some 20,000 Moldovans demonstrated and called for snap elections after Parliament attempted to strip incoming president Sandu of control over the SIS.”<\/em><\/p>\n

“Although Moldovan law guarantees property rights, they are undermined by a weak and corrupt judiciary. Widespread corruption affects fair competition and normal business activity. Allies of powerful individuals have been accused of benefiting economically from selective enforcement of business regulations. Some businesses also complained of receiving arbitrary COVID-19-related fines.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

\n
An important issue, which persists in the Moldovan society and was mentioned in the Freedom House Report is discrimination. Even though there is an adequate normative framework for preventing and addressing discrimination, certain categories of population are still discriminated: women, persons with disabilities, Roma people, linguistic minorities, Muslims and other non-Orthodox believers, people of African and Asian descent, older persons, and LGBT+ people. These people often face employment discrimination, as well as discrimination in education, housing, public service and hate speech. “Some of these groups were additionally affected by the COVID-19 pandemic; for example, migrants, COVID-19 survivors, and minority groups faced hate speech during the pandemic.”<\/em><\/div>\n
\n

The full report on Moldova can be found here<\/a> and here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Transnistria<\/h3>\n

The situation is way more disastrous in the Transnistrian region, which was analysed<\/a> as a separate territory in the report. It was assessed as a not free territory, gaining a score of only 22 points<\/strong> out of 100 in 2020. According to Freedom House, Transnistria is a “breakaway region of Moldova in which ethnic Russians and Ukrainians together outnumber ethnic Moldovans.”<\/em> It has a de facto independence since a brief military conflict in 1992, though it is internationally recognized as a part of Moldova.<\/p>\n

Transnistrian politics and economy are “heavily dependent on subsidies from Russia.”<\/em><\/span> According to the report, “Transnistria\u2019s entire political establishment, including opposition parties, supports the separatist agenda and Russia\u2019s role as the territory\u2019s foreign patron.”<\/em> What is worse, “Transnistrian politics have long been built on personal business interests, nepotism, and favouritism.”<\/em> Political competition is heavily restricted, while the ruling political group “is aligned with powerful local business interests.”<\/em><\/p>\n

“In addition, the political influence of the Russian government is undergirded by the presence of Russian troops, who are ostensibly stationed in the territory to guard a Soviet-era ammunition depot and, as peacekeepers, to uphold a 1992 cease-fire between Transnistrian and Moldovan forces. Moscow has also financially supported the territory\u2019s pension system and provided subsidized energy.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The freedom of speech is deeply endangered in the region. “Impartiality and pluralism of opinion in the media is very limited, and authorities closely control civil society activity. […] Critical reporting can result in reprisals including criminal charges, and the government also uses bureaucratic obstruction and withholding of information to inhibit independent journalism.”<\/em><\/p>\n

Free discussions are discouraged by legal prohibitions related to the defamation or insult of the authorities or public expression of disrespect for the Russian peacekeeping mission.<\/span> “Speech-related prosecutions of dissidents, activists, and ordinary social media users have become more common in recent years, inhibiting expression by other residents.”<\/em> Criminal cases, prosecutions, arrests, illegal sentences and imprisonments are continuously occurring in Transnistria.<\/p>\n

Freedom of assembly is also tightly restricted. “Authorities consistently reject applications for permits to hold meetings and protests, and participants in unauthorized actions face administrative penalties or criminal prosecution.”<\/em> During the pandemic period, freedom of movement was substantially reduced, as new checkpoints and travel restrictions were imposed beginning in March 2020.<\/span><\/p>\n

The most harmful effect on the society is, probably, produced by the judiciary serving the interests of the political authorities and Sheriff Enterprises – the dominating business conglomerate with a huge influence on region’s politics, economy and society. “The European Court of Human Rights has asserted that Moscow is responsible for the decisions of Transnistrian courts, and that these courts do not meet minimum standards of fairness.”<\/em><\/p>\n

The full report on Transnistria can be found here<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Photo: freedomhouse.org<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 5<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Moldova is a partially free country with a transitional or hybrid democratic regime, says the report Freedom in the World published by Freedom House. The report evaluates the level of political rights and civil liberties in a given geographical area, regardless of whether they are affected by the state, nonstate actors, or foreign powers. “Moldova […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":449515,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,9,3,10,40,4,56,8],"tags":[115,571,100,1086,35,27,75,124,632,31],"class_list":["post-449513","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-important-en","category-justice","category-politics","category-reintegration","category-security","category-society","category-reportaje","category-world-news","tag-corruption","tag-discrimination","tag-elections","tag-freedom-house","tag-important","tag-moldova","tag-politics","tag-report","tag-rights","tag-transnistria"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 5<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Moldova is a partially free country with a transitional or hybrid democratic regime, says the report<\/a> Freedom in the World<\/strong> <\/em>published by Freedom House<\/strong>. The report evaluates the level of political rights and civil liberties in a given geographical area, regardless of whether they are affected by the state, nonstate actors, or foreign powers.<\/p>\n

“Moldova has a competitive electoral environment, and freedoms of assembly, speech, and religion are mostly protected. Nonetheless, pervasive corruption in the government sector, links between major political figures and powerful economic interests, as well as critical deficiencies in the justice sector and the rule of law continue to hamper democratic governance,”<\/em> is emphasized in the report.<\/p>\n

In 2020, Moldova gained a score of 61 points<\/strong> out of a maximum of 100, that being 1 point more than a year earlier. The positive aspects mentioned in the report are related to the electoral process. Namely, that the country’s president, Maia Sandu, was elected through free and fair elections<\/span>, “becoming Moldova\u2019s first female president and defeating incumbent Igor Dodon in a free and fair two-round November election.<\/em><\/p>\n

“Political processes at the national level were dominated by the PSRM and its informal leader, President Dodon. The latter tried to consolidate power in his hands, but by end of the year, he had failed to recreate a Plahotniuc-style power vertical, as demonstrated by his loss in the presidential election.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

On the other hand, the parliamentary elections from February 2019 were assessed as having “shortcomings including credible allegations of pressure on public employees, indications of vote buying, and abuse of public resources for partisan electoral aims. Outcomes were also affected by limited space for independent media to present alternative viewpoints to voters.”<\/em> Thus, the current national legislative representatives are considered partially elected through free and fair elections.<\/p>\n

Deficiencies were also identified when it came to the fairness of electoral laws and framework, as well as their impartial implementation by the relevant election management bodies. The report authors mentioned the international disapproval for the mixed system introduced in 2017 under conditions of \u201ca lack of inclusive public debate and meaningful consultation with relevant stakeholders and no broad consensus\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Generally, there is a freedom to organize in different political parties in Moldova, as being reported. Still, political party legislation includes restrictions that “disallow regional, municipal, and local parties, as well as parties representing geographically concentrated ethnolinguistic minorities (for example, Gagauzians and Bulgarians).”<\/em>\u00a0Moreover, representation of women, people with disabilities, and Roma remains low in political participation, “though women and members of ethnic minorities attain office.”<\/em> Moreover, “LGBT+ people organize and advocate for equal rights, are discouraged from political engagement due to harassment.”<\/em><\/p>\n

Opposition parties have a strong presence in Parliament and can gain power through elections, but “oligarchs and business interests strongly influence and corrupt national and local political institutions, undermining political accountability.”<\/em> Yet after oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc resigned as PDM head and fled Moldova, “business elites have exerted less control over the state.”<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

According to the report, “corruption remains entrenched in all levels of government, and existing anticorruption laws are inadequately enforced.”<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

People in Moldova are generally able to engage in discussions of political nature without fear of retribution, the report states. “Private discussion is generally free and unfettered following the 2019 collapse of the DPM [Democratic Party of Moldova] government.” <\/em>Also, “freedom of assembly is constitutionally guaranteed and mostly upheld in practice.”<\/em> Despite the fact that the government limited public gatherings and restricted access to public areas in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, major protests were held during 2020. “In early December, some 20,000 Moldovans demonstrated and called for snap elections after Parliament attempted to strip incoming president Sandu of control over the SIS.”<\/em><\/p>\n

“Although Moldovan law guarantees property rights, they are undermined by a weak and corrupt judiciary. Widespread corruption affects fair competition and normal business activity. Allies of powerful individuals have been accused of benefiting economically from selective enforcement of business regulations. Some businesses also complained of receiving arbitrary COVID-19-related fines.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

\n
An important issue, which persists in the Moldovan society and was mentioned in the Freedom House Report is discrimination. Even though there is an adequate normative framework for preventing and addressing discrimination, certain categories of population are still discriminated: women, persons with disabilities, Roma people, linguistic minorities, Muslims and other non-Orthodox believers, people of African and Asian descent, older persons, and LGBT+ people. These people often face employment discrimination, as well as discrimination in education, housing, public service and hate speech. “Some of these groups were additionally affected by the COVID-19 pandemic; for example, migrants, COVID-19 survivors, and minority groups faced hate speech during the pandemic.”<\/em><\/div>\n
\n

The full report on Moldova can be found here<\/a> and here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Transnistria<\/h3>\n

The situation is way more disastrous in the Transnistrian region, which was analysed<\/a> as a separate territory in the report. It was assessed as a not free territory, gaining a score of only 22 points<\/strong> out of 100 in 2020. According to Freedom House, Transnistria is a “breakaway region of Moldova in which ethnic Russians and Ukrainians together outnumber ethnic Moldovans.”<\/em> It has a de facto independence since a brief military conflict in 1992, though it is internationally recognized as a part of Moldova.<\/p>\n

Transnistrian politics and economy are “heavily dependent on subsidies from Russia.”<\/em><\/span> According to the report, “Transnistria\u2019s entire political establishment, including opposition parties, supports the separatist agenda and Russia\u2019s role as the territory\u2019s foreign patron.”<\/em> What is worse, “Transnistrian politics have long been built on personal business interests, nepotism, and favouritism.”<\/em> Political competition is heavily restricted, while the ruling political group “is aligned with powerful local business interests.”<\/em><\/p>\n

“In addition, the political influence of the Russian government is undergirded by the presence of Russian troops, who are ostensibly stationed in the territory to guard a Soviet-era ammunition depot and, as peacekeepers, to uphold a 1992 cease-fire between Transnistrian and Moldovan forces. Moscow has also financially supported the territory\u2019s pension system and provided subsidized energy.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The freedom of speech is deeply endangered in the region. “Impartiality and pluralism of opinion in the media is very limited, and authorities closely control civil society activity. […] Critical reporting can result in reprisals including criminal charges, and the government also uses bureaucratic obstruction and withholding of information to inhibit independent journalism.”<\/em><\/p>\n

Free discussions are discouraged by legal prohibitions related to the defamation or insult of the authorities or public expression of disrespect for the Russian peacekeeping mission.<\/span> “Speech-related prosecutions of dissidents, activists, and ordinary social media users have become more common in recent years, inhibiting expression by other residents.”<\/em> Criminal cases, prosecutions, arrests, illegal sentences and imprisonments are continuously occurring in Transnistria.<\/p>\n

Freedom of assembly is also tightly restricted. “Authorities consistently reject applications for permits to hold meetings and protests, and participants in unauthorized actions face administrative penalties or criminal prosecution.”<\/em> During the pandemic period, freedom of movement was substantially reduced, as new checkpoints and travel restrictions were imposed beginning in March 2020.<\/span><\/p>\n

The most harmful effect on the society is, probably, produced by the judiciary serving the interests of the political authorities and Sheriff Enterprises – the dominating business conglomerate with a huge influence on region’s politics, economy and society. “The European Court of Human Rights has asserted that Moscow is responsible for the decisions of Transnistrian courts, and that these courts do not meet minimum standards of fairness.”<\/em><\/p>\n

The full report on Transnistria can be found here<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Photo: freedomhouse.org<\/p>\n

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