{"id":447140,"date":"2019-04-23T16:21:20","date_gmt":"2019-04-23T16:21:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?p=447140"},"modified":"2019-04-23T16:31:17","modified_gmt":"2019-04-23T16:31:17","slug":"newly-elected-ukrainian-president-model-post-soviet-state-impact-zelenskiys-presidency-moldova","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/newly-elected-ukrainian-president-model-post-soviet-state-impact-zelenskiys-presidency-moldova\/","title":{"rendered":"Is the newly elected Ukrainian president a model for any post-Soviet state? The impact of the Zelenskiy\u2019s presidency on Moldova"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the newly elected President of Ukraine, who became a phenomenon overnight declared<\/a> during the first minutes of his victory: “I am still not officially a president, and I can say as a citizen of Ukraine to all the post-Soviet states: look at us \u2014 everything is possible!”<\/em><\/p>\n

Is that really so? Are the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine comparable when it comes to the political or economic situations, external relations and the overall character of the society? And what is even more important: will the changes in Ukraine impel any transformations in the Republic of Moldova as well?<\/p>\n

The parallels between Ukraine and Moldova<\/h3>\n

First, Ukraine and Moldova have two different forms of government<\/strong>. Ukraine is a unitary semi-presidential constitutional republic, whereas Moldova is a unitary parliamentary constitutional republic. Sounds similar but, in fact, that means that in Ukraine the president, as a head of state, has more political power, being more than a ceremonial, non-executive figure (as it is in the case of the Republic of Moldova). However, there is an important similarity regarding the election system<\/strong> used to vote the Parliament \u2013 both countries use the mixed election system.<\/p>\n

Both post-Soviet countries suffered plenty of transformations in terms of changing governments since their independence declaration. Reformers, communists, nationalists, centrists, extremists, pro-Russians, pro-Europeans, all of them governed at certain point one country or another. Both Moldovans and Ukrainians fought for a better quality of life through mass protests. The peak for Moldovans was the mass protests<\/strong> from April 2009, when the victory of Communists at the parliamentary elections was publicly contested. In Ukraine, it was the Euromaidan from February 2014 when the pro-Russian President Yanukovych was removed from office after the Ukrainian \u2018course\u2019 was suddenly switched from signing the EU association agreement to tightening relations with Russia. The difference \u2013 Ukraine had a real revolution, Moldova didn\u2019t.<\/p>\n

Both Ukraine and Moldova have territories<\/strong> that were occupied. Ukraine has a territorial dispute with Russia regarding Crimea and Donbass, whereas Moldova has two self-proclaimed and unrecognised states that are, in fact, separatist regions \u2013 Transnistria and Gagauzia. The difference in this case is that Ukraine doesn\u2019t seem to give up in trying to reclaim its territories. The Moldovan governments of all times didn\u2019t seem to really care about the Russian tanks set in Transnistria for so-called peace-keeping reasons, leaving the situation up in the air for more than 20 years.<\/p>\n

There is one more similarity between these two countries \u2013 both seem to be torn up between the wish to join the EU one day and the impossibility to fully detach themselves from the Russian interests. Basically, that is one of the most important sources of social disputes<\/strong>, beside the language and ethnic minorities problems. Moreover, both countries have \u2018enthroned\u2019 oligarchs to control the things and both have a permanently decreasing population that still keeps the post-Soviet reminisces in their behaviour and way of thinking.<\/p>\n

As it seems, Moldova and Ukraine have a similar background. But will they have a similar future?<\/p>\n

The Ukrainian model in Moldova<\/h3>\n

Even though so many things sound familiar both for Ukrainians and for Moldovans, the latter ones don\u2019t really have any chance to repeat the same story, as the Moldovan cinematography is not as developed as the Ukrainian one. Taking it seriously, Moldovan people proved to be more sceptical and conservative when they had the chance to choose between a reformer woman and an experienced but traditionalist man running for President of Moldova in 2016. Maybe that would change in the future. Maybe.<\/p>\n

For now, it is more important to observe the possible repercussions of the Volodymyr Zelenskiy\u2019s presidency on the existing situation in the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

Zelenskiy is, at the moment, \u201ca blank piece of paper\u201d<\/em>, as The Guardian<\/a> wrote. People have a lot of expectations from him and as he didn\u2019t discuss any political or social problems during the pre-elections period, the expectations are really differing. Nobody knows yet whether he will negotiate with Kremlin. Nobody knows yet whether he has ties with the oligarch Ihor Kolomoiski. However, as the political pundit Dionis Cenu\u0219\u0103 stated in an interview<\/a> for RFE\/RL: \u201cUntil now, there has been no one to come from outside the system and to propose an agenda in which to believe.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Cenu\u0219\u0103 also stated that if Zelenskiy eventually is able to move away from the oligarchic circles, that would be relevant to the political systems and the oligarchs from Moldova and Georgia. It is widely known that the business and political interests of Vladimir Plahotniuc (Moldova), Bidzina Ivanishvili (Georgia) and Petro Poroshenko (Ukraine) coincided in the past.<\/p>\n

Moreover, Ukraine as an active player in the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, being part of the 5 + 2 negotiation format. It would have a say in case Zelenskiy starts the informational war against Russia, as he previously promised during his electoral campaign.<\/p>\n

One more thing that could change is the bilateral relations between the Ukrainian and the Moldovan Presidents. The discussions could be relaunched after 5 years of \u2018cold\u2019 relations between the Moldovan President Igor Dodon and the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko. It happened after a precipitate statement of Dodon in which he seemed to put the Kremlin right in the Crimea problem. Since that moment,\u00a0 Poroshenko refused any official meeting with Igor Dodon.<\/p>\n

Nonetheless, things will be certainly clearer when Zelenskiy will take over after his inauguration in June 2019 and after the parliamentary elections in October 2019 will decide whether the Ukrainian president has a majority to support him.<\/p>\n

Photo: Reuters<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the newly elected President of Ukraine, who became a phenomenon overnight declared during the first minutes of his victory: “I am still not officially a president, and I can say as a citizen of Ukraine to all the post-Soviet states: look at us \u2014 everything is possible!” Is that really so? Are the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":447143,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23,3,56,8],"tags":[35,292,27,293,203,88,294],"class_list":["post-447140","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-featured","category-politics","category-reportaje","category-world-news","tag-important","tag-model","tag-moldova","tag-post-soviet","tag-president","tag-ukraine","tag-zelenskiy"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the newly elected President of Ukraine, who became a phenomenon overnight declared<\/a> during the first minutes of his victory: “I am still not officially a president, and I can say as a citizen of Ukraine to all the post-Soviet states: look at us \u2014 everything is possible!”<\/em><\/p>\n

Is that really so? Are the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine comparable when it comes to the political or economic situations, external relations and the overall character of the society? And what is even more important: will the changes in Ukraine impel any transformations in the Republic of Moldova as well?<\/p>\n

The parallels between Ukraine and Moldova<\/h3>\n

First, Ukraine and Moldova have two different forms of government<\/strong>. Ukraine is a unitary semi-presidential constitutional republic, whereas Moldova is a unitary parliamentary constitutional republic. Sounds similar but, in fact, that means that in Ukraine the president, as a head of state, has more political power, being more than a ceremonial, non-executive figure (as it is in the case of the Republic of Moldova). However, there is an important similarity regarding the election system<\/strong> used to vote the Parliament \u2013 both countries use the mixed election system.<\/p>\n

Both post-Soviet countries suffered plenty of transformations in terms of changing governments since their independence declaration. Reformers, communists, nationalists, centrists, extremists, pro-Russians, pro-Europeans, all of them governed at certain point one country or another. Both Moldovans and Ukrainians fought for a better quality of life through mass protests. The peak for Moldovans was the mass protests<\/strong> from April 2009, when the victory of Communists at the parliamentary elections was publicly contested. In Ukraine, it was the Euromaidan from February 2014 when the pro-Russian President Yanukovych was removed from office after the Ukrainian \u2018course\u2019 was suddenly switched from signing the EU association agreement to tightening relations with Russia. The difference \u2013 Ukraine had a real revolution, Moldova didn\u2019t.<\/p>\n

Both Ukraine and Moldova have territories<\/strong> that were occupied. Ukraine has a territorial dispute with Russia regarding Crimea and Donbass, whereas Moldova has two self-proclaimed and unrecognised states that are, in fact, separatist regions \u2013 Transnistria and Gagauzia. The difference in this case is that Ukraine doesn\u2019t seem to give up in trying to reclaim its territories. The Moldovan governments of all times didn\u2019t seem to really care about the Russian tanks set in Transnistria for so-called peace-keeping reasons, leaving the situation up in the air for more than 20 years.<\/p>\n

There is one more similarity between these two countries \u2013 both seem to be torn up between the wish to join the EU one day and the impossibility to fully detach themselves from the Russian interests. Basically, that is one of the most important sources of social disputes<\/strong>, beside the language and ethnic minorities problems. Moreover, both countries have \u2018enthroned\u2019 oligarchs to control the things and both have a permanently decreasing population that still keeps the post-Soviet reminisces in their behaviour and way of thinking.<\/p>\n

As it seems, Moldova and Ukraine have a similar background. But will they have a similar future?<\/p>\n

The Ukrainian model in Moldova<\/h3>\n

Even though so many things sound familiar both for Ukrainians and for Moldovans, the latter ones don\u2019t really have any chance to repeat the same story, as the Moldovan cinematography is not as developed as the Ukrainian one. Taking it seriously, Moldovan people proved to be more sceptical and conservative when they had the chance to choose between a reformer woman and an experienced but traditionalist man running for President of Moldova in 2016. Maybe that would change in the future. Maybe.<\/p>\n

For now, it is more important to observe the possible repercussions of the Volodymyr Zelenskiy\u2019s presidency on the existing situation in the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

Zelenskiy is, at the moment, \u201ca blank piece of paper\u201d<\/em>, as The Guardian<\/a> wrote. People have a lot of expectations from him and as he didn\u2019t discuss any political or social problems during the pre-elections period, the expectations are really differing. Nobody knows yet whether he will negotiate with Kremlin. Nobody knows yet whether he has ties with the oligarch Ihor Kolomoiski. However, as the political pundit Dionis Cenu\u0219\u0103 stated in an interview<\/a> for RFE\/RL: \u201cUntil now, there has been no one to come from outside the system and to propose an agenda in which to believe.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Cenu\u0219\u0103 also stated that if Zelenskiy eventually is able to move away from the oligarchic circles, that would be relevant to the political systems and the oligarchs from Moldova and Georgia. It is widely known that the business and political interests of Vladimir Plahotniuc (Moldova), Bidzina Ivanishvili (Georgia) and Petro Poroshenko (Ukraine) coincided in the past.<\/p>\n

Moreover, Ukraine as an active player in the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict, being part of the 5 + 2 negotiation format. It would have a say in case Zelenskiy starts the informational war against Russia, as he previously promised during his electoral campaign.<\/p>\n

One more thing that could change is the bilateral relations between the Ukrainian and the Moldovan Presidents. The discussions could be relaunched after 5 years of \u2018cold\u2019 relations between the Moldovan President Igor Dodon and the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko. It happened after a precipitate statement of Dodon in which he seemed to put the Kremlin right in the Crimea problem. Since that moment,\u00a0 Poroshenko refused any official meeting with Igor Dodon.<\/p>\n

Nonetheless, things will be certainly clearer when Zelenskiy will take over after his inauguration in June 2019 and after the parliamentary elections in October 2019 will decide whether the Ukrainian president has a majority to support him.<\/p>\n

Photo: Reuters<\/p>\n

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