{"id":446239,"date":"2018-12-18T16:57:58","date_gmt":"2018-12-18T16:57:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?p=446239"},"modified":"2019-01-10T13:40:08","modified_gmt":"2019-01-10T13:40:08","slug":"nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/","title":{"rendered":"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions – the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

When everyone is sure that the apogee of the manipulation and illegal actions is already reached in the Republic of Moldova, a new limit is discovered. Recently, 3 new Judges of the Constitutional Court of Moldova were appointed in a big rush without any contest announcements. All of them are recognised as having connections or being a member of the Democratic Party of Moldova (DPM), the party that is responsible for the establishment of the oligarchic system in the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe have come under the situation when the government has the nepotism as the main criterion for selecting people for positions in public institutions.\u201d<\/em> This is what Maia Sandu, the president of the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), declared<\/a> on December 17th<\/sup>, after the documents\u2019 submission to the Central Election Commission (CEC) for the registration of the Electoral Bloc \u201cACUM\u201d. A closer analysis of the most important positions occupied in the key government institutions could test her declaration. Are the institutions under the DPM\u2019s control? Is Moldova a captured state?<\/p>\n

The Constitutional Court (CC)<\/h4>\n

One after another, Corneliu Gurin, Artur Re\u0219etnicov and Raisa Apolschi were proposed by the state institutions and appointed as Judges of the Constitutional Court.<\/p>\n

Corneliu Gurin<\/strong>, the former General Prosecutor of the Republic of Moldova between 2013 and 2016, was appointed<\/a> on December 11th<\/sup> by the Superior Council of Magistrates (SCM) as a Judge of the Constitutional Court. He was the head of the General Prosecutor’s Office during the \u201cGreat Moldovan Bank Robbery\u201d<\/a>. According to an investigation<\/a> made by Sic.md, Gurin had a close relationship with the DPM and its leader Vladimir Plahotniuc. The investigation shows that during his mandate, the Office of the Prosecutor General was controlled by the DPM. Corneliu Gurin was the one who demanded the withdrawal of the parliamentary immunity of the former Prime Minister Vladimir Filat, accused of involvement in the bank fraud.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: adevarul.ro<\/p><\/div>\n

In such a hurry, the SCM has not even managed to put the subject of designating a candidate for the constitutional judge’s seat on its agenda. The university professor and the former SCM member Alexandru Arseni explained<\/a> for RFE\/RL that, according to the law, the SCM magistrates should have first announced a contest, assessing candidates’ files and choosing the best ones. \u201cThe way in which Corneliu Gurin became one of the six people who can modify and interpret the Constitution without referendums and a parliamentary majority does not inspire much trust in the independence and impartiality of the Court,\u201d<\/em> said Arseni.<\/p>\n

Next, Artur Re\u0219etnicov<\/strong>, a deputy of the Parliament and a member of the DPM, was appointed<\/a> on December 12th<\/sup> by the Government of the Republic of Moldova as a Judge of the Constitutional Court. During the period of 2007-2009, Artur Re\u0219etnicov served as the Information and Security Service\u2019s Director. Since December 2010, Artur Resetnicov has been a member of the Parliament, on behalf of the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) in 2010-2015 and as a non-attached member in 2015-2017. He was among the 14 deputies who left the PCRM in 2015, joining the DPM in March 2017.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: tvrmoldova.md<\/p><\/div>\n

Raisa Apolschi<\/strong>, the Vladimir Plahotniuc\u2019s godmother[1]<\/a>, was appointed<\/a> in the next days by the Parliament as a Judge of the Constitutional Court of Moldova. Since 2010 she has been a deputy in the Parliament and a member of the DPM. Apolschi is the head of the parliamentary “Legal, Appointments and Immunities” committee and a member of the DPM National Political Council.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: stiri.md<\/p><\/div>\n

Therefore, 3 persons loyal to the DPM regime were appointed during last days. Their decisions have enormous consequences on the entire constitutional balance of the country, even the Moldova\u2019s state structure. The Constitutional Court of Moldova represents the sole body of constitutional jurisdiction. It should be autonomous and independent from the executive, the legislature and the judiciary powers. Its main tasks<\/a>\u00a0include guarantying the supremacy of the constitution. The institution can interpret the Constitution and undertake the review of constitutionality of the Parliament’s laws and decisions, the decrees of the President and the acts of the Government.<\/p>\n

Until today, the Constitutional Court has transformed the presidential institution into a tricky thing with unclear responsibilities and attributions. Consequently, the president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, has been suspended<\/a> temporarily several times to allow some Parliament initiatives to be promulgated.<\/p>\n

The Constitutional Court of Moldova is formed of six judges, appointed for a six-year term. Two judges are appointed by the Parliament, two by the Government and two by the Superior Council of Magistracy. 3 out of 6 judges were appointed recently.<\/p>\n

The Central Election Commission (CEC)<\/h4>\n

The CEC is a key institution when it comes to the electoral policy for organisation, supervision and operation of elections. It is also in charge of verifying the compliance with the legal provisions on the funding of political parties and electoral campaigns. As the CEC\u2019s mission<\/a> states, it should be an independent state body, out of any political influence. However, the reputation of the Moldova\u2019s CEC institution leaves room for improvement.<\/p>\n

In August 2018, the leader of the PAS, Maia Sandu, accused<\/a> the head of the CEC, Alina Russu<\/strong>, of political partiality for DPM in the matter of the funding of the party. \u201cIn April, we asked the CEC to analyse the audio recordings shared by the press, where the Criuleni district president and DPM member Veaceslav Burlac asks his colleagues to sign on party donations they did not actually make,\u201d<\/em> declared Maia Sandu. She also mentioned that during the investigation, the CEC sent requests to the DPM and presented the situation from the party\u2019s perspective by not identifying any violations. \u201cI am puzzled: Is the CEC a subsidiary of the DPM or the DPM is hired to investigate for CEC?\u201d<\/em> stated Maia Sandu. Alina Russu denied all the accusations.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: rise.md<\/p><\/div>\n

In January 2018, the CEC\u2019s decision of rejecting the registration of the initiative group #numixt raised more doubts regarding the independence of the CEC. The group proposed the organization of the legislative referendum to cancel the mixed electoral system. The CEC\u2019s decision was criticized<\/a> by the representatives of the opposition and civil society. Alina Russu declared in an interview<\/a> that since the initiative group has admitted certain errors and violations of the Electoral Code, the CEC has applied the law by rejecting the group\u2019s registration.<\/p>\n

These days, CEC should take a decision regarding the registration of the electoral bloc \u201cACUM\u201d, formed of the PAS and the DTPP Parties. “CEC is about to examine the submitted documents. The decision will be announced in a public meeting in maximum 7 days”<\/em> the CEC president, Alina Russu, declared<\/a>. In the same time, the PAS leader, Maia Sandu, expressed her hope in resolving this matter: \u201cEven if we didn\u2019t have a very good experience with the CEC institution previously, we express hope that things will happen differently this time. Everyone is aware of the necessity and the duty to respect the law.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

The National Anticorruption Centre (NAC)<\/h4>\n

The Chief of the NAC, Bogdan Zumbreanu<\/strong>, seems to also have connections with the Democratic Party and its leaders. First, he was the head of the \u201cArgus-S\u201d company, a security firm affiliated with the oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, as one of the Ziarul de Garda\u2019s investigation<\/a> found. According to the same investigation, during his activity, Zumbreanu widely exploited the nepotism phenomenon. He occupied several positions at NAC and at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA), following the path of his godfather Valentin Mejinschi, the former NAC Chief, and the former MIA minister.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: sputnik.md<\/p><\/div>\n

The members of Zumbreanu\u2019s family have also occupied important position in the current government. Iurie Serbulenco, Zumbreanu\u2019s father-in-law, is the former Deputy Chief at MIA Hospital, currently working at a private hospital in Chi\u0219in\u0103u. Aliona Serbulenco, Zumbreanu\u2019s mother-in law, is the former minister of Health, Labour and Social Protection, currently occupying the position of Deputy Minister of Health and being a DPM member.<\/p>\n

The NAC is a specialized institution for preventing and combating corruption. It should be an apolitical institution that does not provide assistance and does not support any political party. It should be independent in its work, being only a law subject. The legal framework of the NAC activity is the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

The captured state<\/h4>\n

According to a report<\/a> issued in 2017 by Transparency International, the \u201cAdept\u201d Association and IDIS \u201cViitorul\u201d, the practice of \u2018sharing\u2019 the control over the public institutions is not new for the current government. Since 2009, the members of the Alliance for European Integration have divided all the law and regulation institutions disguising it under the alleged decommunization. \u201cThe politicization of the public institutions manifested itself later through the admittance of the Great Moldovan Bank Robbery,\u201d<\/em> as Igor Bo\u021ban, a political analyst, claimed.<\/p>\n

The expert of IDIS \u201cViitorul\u201d, Nadejda Hriptievschi, mentioned in the report that the NAC may be under the influence of the Democrats. Also under their influence may be the General Prosecutor’s Office, lead since 2016 by Eduard Harunjen, who held several positions in this institution since 2010.<\/p>\n

A selective approach by the anti-corruption and the judiciary bodies from the Republic of Moldova is proved by the significant difference in examining the criminal case files of Vladimir Filat, Ilan Shor and Veaceslav Platon. \u201cThe mayor of Orhei, Ilan Shor, is clearly privileged compared to the other two, who have already received convictions in closed trials,\u201d<\/em> said Nadejda Hriptievschi.<\/p>\n

\u201cNowadays, all decisions are taken at the DPM\u2019s office. That denotes already a totally captured state.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

So, what do we have at the moment? A political Party \u2013 DPM, that is controlling or has under its influence all key institutions of the state (the Constitutional Court, the Central Election Commission and the National Anticorruption Centre) in the context of the future parliamentary election in February 2019. A government ruled by nepotism and corruption, whose decisions can be taken overnight and whose actions are totally unforeseeable. \u201cNo meritocracy, no contests for choosing people in public offices. No doubts that this is not a state of law anymore,\u201d<\/em> as Maia Sandu stated recently.<\/p>\n

Featured photo source: Getty Images<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> As an orthodox cultural concept, the godparents are witnesses at the wedding and also godparents for the future children of the couple<\/h6>\n
<\/a><\/a><\/h6>\n
<\/a><\/h6>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>When everyone is sure that the apogee of the manipulation and illegal actions is already reached in the Republic of Moldova, a new limit is discovered. Recently, 3 new Judges of the Constitutional Court of Moldova were appointed in a big rush without any contest announcements. All of them are recognised as having connections or […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":446242,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,9,12,3,56],"tags":[115,113,35,27,114,112],"class_list":["post-446239","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-important-en","category-justice","category-opinion","category-politics","category-reportaje","tag-corruption","tag-dpm","tag-important","tag-moldova","tag-nepotism","tag-plahotniuc"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

When everyone is sure that the apogee of the manipulation and illegal actions is already reached in the Republic of Moldova, a new limit is discovered. Recently, 3 new Judges of the Constitutional Court of Moldova were appointed in a big rush without any contest announcements. All of them are recognised as having connections or being a member of the Democratic Party of Moldova (DPM), the party that is responsible for the establishment of the oligarchic system in the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe have come under the situation when the government has the nepotism as the main criterion for selecting people for positions in public institutions.\u201d<\/em> This is what Maia Sandu, the president of the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), declared<\/a> on December 17th<\/sup>, after the documents\u2019 submission to the Central Election Commission (CEC) for the registration of the Electoral Bloc \u201cACUM\u201d. A closer analysis of the most important positions occupied in the key government institutions could test her declaration. Are the institutions under the DPM\u2019s control? Is Moldova a captured state?<\/p>\n

The Constitutional Court (CC)<\/h4>\n

One after another, Corneliu Gurin, Artur Re\u0219etnicov and Raisa Apolschi were proposed by the state institutions and appointed as Judges of the Constitutional Court.<\/p>\n

Corneliu Gurin<\/strong>, the former General Prosecutor of the Republic of Moldova between 2013 and 2016, was appointed<\/a> on December 11th<\/sup> by the Superior Council of Magistrates (SCM) as a Judge of the Constitutional Court. He was the head of the General Prosecutor’s Office during the \u201cGreat Moldovan Bank Robbery\u201d<\/a>. According to an investigation<\/a> made by Sic.md, Gurin had a close relationship with the DPM and its leader Vladimir Plahotniuc. The investigation shows that during his mandate, the Office of the Prosecutor General was controlled by the DPM. Corneliu Gurin was the one who demanded the withdrawal of the parliamentary immunity of the former Prime Minister Vladimir Filat, accused of involvement in the bank fraud.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: adevarul.ro<\/p><\/div>\n

In such a hurry, the SCM has not even managed to put the subject of designating a candidate for the constitutional judge’s seat on its agenda. The university professor and the former SCM member Alexandru Arseni explained<\/a> for RFE\/RL that, according to the law, the SCM magistrates should have first announced a contest, assessing candidates’ files and choosing the best ones. \u201cThe way in which Corneliu Gurin became one of the six people who can modify and interpret the Constitution without referendums and a parliamentary majority does not inspire much trust in the independence and impartiality of the Court,\u201d<\/em> said Arseni.<\/p>\n

Next, Artur Re\u0219etnicov<\/strong>, a deputy of the Parliament and a member of the DPM, was appointed<\/a> on December 12th<\/sup> by the Government of the Republic of Moldova as a Judge of the Constitutional Court. During the period of 2007-2009, Artur Re\u0219etnicov served as the Information and Security Service\u2019s Director. Since December 2010, Artur Resetnicov has been a member of the Parliament, on behalf of the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) in 2010-2015 and as a non-attached member in 2015-2017. He was among the 14 deputies who left the PCRM in 2015, joining the DPM in March 2017.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: tvrmoldova.md<\/p><\/div>\n

Raisa Apolschi<\/strong>, the Vladimir Plahotniuc\u2019s godmother[1]<\/a>, was appointed<\/a> in the next days by the Parliament as a Judge of the Constitutional Court of Moldova. Since 2010 she has been a deputy in the Parliament and a member of the DPM. Apolschi is the head of the parliamentary “Legal, Appointments and Immunities” committee and a member of the DPM National Political Council.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: stiri.md<\/p><\/div>\n

Therefore, 3 persons loyal to the DPM regime were appointed during last days. Their decisions have enormous consequences on the entire constitutional balance of the country, even the Moldova\u2019s state structure. The Constitutional Court of Moldova represents the sole body of constitutional jurisdiction. It should be autonomous and independent from the executive, the legislature and the judiciary powers. Its main tasks<\/a>\u00a0include guarantying the supremacy of the constitution. The institution can interpret the Constitution and undertake the review of constitutionality of the Parliament’s laws and decisions, the decrees of the President and the acts of the Government.<\/p>\n

Until today, the Constitutional Court has transformed the presidential institution into a tricky thing with unclear responsibilities and attributions. Consequently, the president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, has been suspended<\/a> temporarily several times to allow some Parliament initiatives to be promulgated.<\/p>\n

The Constitutional Court of Moldova is formed of six judges, appointed for a six-year term. Two judges are appointed by the Parliament, two by the Government and two by the Superior Council of Magistracy. 3 out of 6 judges were appointed recently.<\/p>\n

The Central Election Commission (CEC)<\/h4>\n

The CEC is a key institution when it comes to the electoral policy for organisation, supervision and operation of elections. It is also in charge of verifying the compliance with the legal provisions on the funding of political parties and electoral campaigns. As the CEC\u2019s mission<\/a> states, it should be an independent state body, out of any political influence. However, the reputation of the Moldova\u2019s CEC institution leaves room for improvement.<\/p>\n

In August 2018, the leader of the PAS, Maia Sandu, accused<\/a> the head of the CEC, Alina Russu<\/strong>, of political partiality for DPM in the matter of the funding of the party. \u201cIn April, we asked the CEC to analyse the audio recordings shared by the press, where the Criuleni district president and DPM member Veaceslav Burlac asks his colleagues to sign on party donations they did not actually make,\u201d<\/em> declared Maia Sandu. She also mentioned that during the investigation, the CEC sent requests to the DPM and presented the situation from the party\u2019s perspective by not identifying any violations. \u201cI am puzzled: Is the CEC a subsidiary of the DPM or the DPM is hired to investigate for CEC?\u201d<\/em> stated Maia Sandu. Alina Russu denied all the accusations.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: rise.md<\/p><\/div>\n

In January 2018, the CEC\u2019s decision of rejecting the registration of the initiative group #numixt raised more doubts regarding the independence of the CEC. The group proposed the organization of the legislative referendum to cancel the mixed electoral system. The CEC\u2019s decision was criticized<\/a> by the representatives of the opposition and civil society. Alina Russu declared in an interview<\/a> that since the initiative group has admitted certain errors and violations of the Electoral Code, the CEC has applied the law by rejecting the group\u2019s registration.<\/p>\n

These days, CEC should take a decision regarding the registration of the electoral bloc \u201cACUM\u201d, formed of the PAS and the DTPP Parties. “CEC is about to examine the submitted documents. The decision will be announced in a public meeting in maximum 7 days”<\/em> the CEC president, Alina Russu, declared<\/a>. In the same time, the PAS leader, Maia Sandu, expressed her hope in resolving this matter: \u201cEven if we didn\u2019t have a very good experience with the CEC institution previously, we express hope that things will happen differently this time. Everyone is aware of the necessity and the duty to respect the law.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

The National Anticorruption Centre (NAC)<\/h4>\n

The Chief of the NAC, Bogdan Zumbreanu<\/strong>, seems to also have connections with the Democratic Party and its leaders. First, he was the head of the \u201cArgus-S\u201d company, a security firm affiliated with the oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, as one of the Ziarul de Garda\u2019s investigation<\/a> found. According to the same investigation, during his activity, Zumbreanu widely exploited the nepotism phenomenon. He occupied several positions at NAC and at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA), following the path of his godfather Valentin Mejinschi, the former NAC Chief, and the former MIA minister.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Photo source: sputnik.md<\/p><\/div>\n

The members of Zumbreanu\u2019s family have also occupied important position in the current government. Iurie Serbulenco, Zumbreanu\u2019s father-in-law, is the former Deputy Chief at MIA Hospital, currently working at a private hospital in Chi\u0219in\u0103u. Aliona Serbulenco, Zumbreanu\u2019s mother-in law, is the former minister of Health, Labour and Social Protection, currently occupying the position of Deputy Minister of Health and being a DPM member.<\/p>\n

The NAC is a specialized institution for preventing and combating corruption. It should be an apolitical institution that does not provide assistance and does not support any political party. It should be independent in its work, being only a law subject. The legal framework of the NAC activity is the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova.<\/p>\n

The captured state<\/h4>\n

According to a report<\/a> issued in 2017 by Transparency International, the \u201cAdept\u201d Association and IDIS \u201cViitorul\u201d, the practice of \u2018sharing\u2019 the control over the public institutions is not new for the current government. Since 2009, the members of the Alliance for European Integration have divided all the law and regulation institutions disguising it under the alleged decommunization. \u201cThe politicization of the public institutions manifested itself later through the admittance of the Great Moldovan Bank Robbery,\u201d<\/em> as Igor Bo\u021ban, a political analyst, claimed.<\/p>\n

The expert of IDIS \u201cViitorul\u201d, Nadejda Hriptievschi, mentioned in the report that the NAC may be under the influence of the Democrats. Also under their influence may be the General Prosecutor’s Office, lead since 2016 by Eduard Harunjen, who held several positions in this institution since 2010.<\/p>\n

A selective approach by the anti-corruption and the judiciary bodies from the Republic of Moldova is proved by the significant difference in examining the criminal case files of Vladimir Filat, Ilan Shor and Veaceslav Platon. \u201cThe mayor of Orhei, Ilan Shor, is clearly privileged compared to the other two, who have already received convictions in closed trials,\u201d<\/em> said Nadejda Hriptievschi.<\/p>\n

\u201cNowadays, all decisions are taken at the DPM\u2019s office. That denotes already a totally captured state.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

So, what do we have at the moment? A political Party \u2013 DPM, that is controlling or has under its influence all key institutions of the state (the Constitutional Court, the Central Election Commission and the National Anticorruption Centre) in the context of the future parliamentary election in February 2019. A government ruled by nepotism and corruption, whose decisions can be taken overnight and whose actions are totally unforeseeable. \u201cNo meritocracy, no contests for choosing people in public offices. No doubts that this is not a state of law anymore,\u201d<\/em> as Maia Sandu stated recently.<\/p>\n

Featured photo source: Getty Images<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> As an orthodox cultural concept, the godparents are witnesses at the wedding and also godparents for the future children of the couple<\/h6>\n
<\/a><\/a><\/h6>\n
<\/a><\/h6>\n
<\/div>
<\/div>
<\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>","yoast_head":"\nNepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions - the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova - Moldova.org<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Maria Dulgher\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Estimated reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"9 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Maria Dulgher\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\"},\"headline\":\"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions – the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova\",\"datePublished\":\"2018-12-18T16:57:58+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2019-01-10T13:40:08+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1772,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2018\\\/12\\\/captured.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"corruption\",\"DPM\",\"Important\",\"Moldova\",\"nepotism\",\"Plahotniuc\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Important\",\"Justice\",\"Opinion\",\"Politics\",\"Stories\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/\",\"name\":\"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions - the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova - Moldova.org\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2018\\\/12\\\/captured.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2018-12-18T16:57:58+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2019-01-10T13:40:08+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2018\\\/12\\\/captured.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/2\\\/2018\\\/12\\\/captured.jpg\",\"width\":930,\"height\":613},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions – the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\",\"name\":\"Moldova.org\",\"description\":\"The first news website of Moldova\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf\",\"name\":\"Maria Dulgher\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Maria Dulgher\"},\"description\":\"Jurnalist\u0103 that speaks English very well. De aia Maria are grij\u0103 c\u0103 prietenii no\u0219tri str\u0103ini s\u0103 nu piard\u0103 nicio informa\u021bie valoroas\u0103 despre actualitatea din Moldova.\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/mariuta.dulgher\",\"https:\\\/\\\/www.instagram.com\\\/marie.dulgher\\\/\",\"https:\\\/\\\/www.linkedin.com\\\/in\\\/maria-dulgher-4a9a2bb2\\\/\"],\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/author\\\/mariadulgher\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions - the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova - Moldova.org","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Maria Dulgher","Estimated reading time":"9 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/"},"author":{"name":"Maria Dulgher","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf"},"headline":"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions – the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova","datePublished":"2018-12-18T16:57:58+00:00","dateModified":"2019-01-10T13:40:08+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/"},"wordCount":1772,"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/12\/captured.jpg","keywords":["corruption","DPM","Important","Moldova","nepotism","Plahotniuc"],"articleSection":["Important","Justice","Opinion","Politics","Stories"],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/","name":"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions - the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova - Moldova.org","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/12\/captured.jpg","datePublished":"2018-12-18T16:57:58+00:00","dateModified":"2019-01-10T13:40:08+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-GB","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/12\/captured.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2018\/12\/captured.jpg","width":930,"height":613},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/nepotism-fake-contests-controlled-institutions-situation-pre-election-period-moldova\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Nepotism, fake contests and controlled institutions – the situation during the pre-election period in Moldova"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/","name":"Moldova.org","description":"The first news website of Moldova","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4cd49a1f49c7d48a105c8a4cb7e3a2bf","name":"Maria Dulgher","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/845882001991bde511a90853b5102f4286c0293237ace764fffc0d327a09702d?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Maria Dulgher"},"description":"Jurnalist\u0103 that speaks English very well. De aia Maria are grij\u0103 c\u0103 prietenii no\u0219tri str\u0103ini s\u0103 nu piard\u0103 nicio informa\u021bie valoroas\u0103 despre actualitatea din Moldova.","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/mariuta.dulgher","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/marie.dulgher\/","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/maria-dulgher-4a9a2bb2\/"],"url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/author\/mariadulgher\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/446239","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=446239"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/446239\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/446242"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=446239"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=446239"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=446239"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}