{"id":438486,"date":"2015-11-30T21:36:49","date_gmt":"2015-11-30T19:36:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.moldova.org\/?p=438486"},"modified":"2016-02-10T12:42:05","modified_gmt":"2016-02-10T12:42:05","slug":"moldova-eus-failed-success-story","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldova-eus-failed-success-story\/","title":{"rendered":"Moldova- EU&#8217;s failed &#8220;success story&#8221;"},"content":{"rendered":"<span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 5<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span><p>Since the signing of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Moldova in April 2014, the EU membership has become a clear prospective for the 25 year-old country. Coincidence or not, the same Agreement was proposed to Ukraine and Georgia in the context of Russian expansion: Crimea annexation and intervention in Donbass.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the association deal was a tool for the EU to think of the countries in the very proximity of Russia&#8217;s sphere of influence as of friendly partners. Speaking about them, the deal was a generator of hope for future investment, freedom of movement and sustainable economic development.<\/p>\n<p>Meeting little critics, the EU has closed its eyes on the lack of concrete, progressive reforms and then, lack of interest to fight high-level corruption and frauds in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia.<\/p>\n<p>Taking Moldova&#8217;s path in particular, it can be said that the so-called &#8220;Pro-European&#8221; governing parties (Liberal-Democrats, Liberals and Democrats) actually gave up on continuing promised reforms by promoting the obtained visa-free regime within the EU as the main achievement since the independence. Even the terms and the legal conditions asked by Brussels to be implemented have been applied in a less than 50% ratio. After ratifying the Agreement quickly, the Pro-European majority didn&#8217;t just neglect the promises made to both the EU and people. These parties simply immersed into the mud of sharing influential positions, improving the corruption and fraud schemes and then performing Hollywood-ish political shows. <\/p>\n<p>Heroes are to be known, so here are the main actors of the &#8220;Moldovan Fail&#8221; movie:<br \/>\n1. Vlad Filat- Liberal-Democrat, once the most popular politician. Reportedly, from 2009 until now he had control over the Customs Office, the Ministry of Healthcare, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finances, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Arrested for bank frauds and huge extortion from a businessman, involved in the insolvency of three big Moldovan banks.<br \/>\nHis party is now out of the coalition and is about to enter a state of opposition.<br \/>\n2. Liberals led by the eccentric Mihai Ghimpu, supposedly Pro-Romanian and Pro-NATO, besides Pro-EU. The party members close to him still have control over the Transportation Ministry, the Defense Ministry, the Education Ministry and the city council of Chi\u0219in\u0103u. Ghimpu broke the coalition once by asking a reform of the prosecution and justice system. Joined back, gave up on the old principles and is open to cooperate with the Liberal-Democrats on one hand, and the Communists (diametrical enemy), after being kindly asked by Democrats, on the other.<br \/>\n3. Democrats owned by the oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc. Key role in the coalition due to the great financial and political power. Despite having few MPs, Plahotniuc managed to have in his hands key institutions: Speaker of the Parliament, the Ministry of Economy, the Secret Services, the General Prosecution Office, several high-profile judges and prosecutors and the Anti-Corruption Center (that arrested Filat). He has been showing secrecy and strength at the same time by threatening and blackmailing political opponents. Nevertheless, he&#8217;s able to control even the Pro-Russian opposition.<br \/>\n4. Opposition- the Communists and the Socialists. The latter supported the voting of a Pro-European President, but now are criticizing him and the majority through protests. Communists tend to adapt to the Pro-European idea, in order to survive on the political ring. Neither of these represents a real, trustworthy opposition.Just before the end of 2015, some 14 Communists MPs left the party and joined the Democrat caucus to form the so-called Social-Democrat Platform, supposed to compete with the extreme leftist Socialists.<br \/>\n5. People. Fed by promises and European future, they forgot to claim them even during relatively good governments. The mass-protests began only in spring 2015, when the famous one billion fraud from the banks was discovered and the public opinion realized that Moldova is about to be bankrupt and financially unreliable. They are struggling now to form some specific claims, but cannot find a clear national leader. Even the protest movement organized by the Civic Platform &#8220;Dignity and Truth&#8221; galvanized too little in the minds of the governors and made no change in the policies or the quality of life in 2015. It barely showed leadership, unity and clear determination.<br \/>\n6. European Union. The multiple visits of European leaders and the investment done has fed too much the trust of the parties from the Government. The EU has managed to show the light at the end of the tunnel for Moldova, but it didn&#8217;t tell Moldovans to stand up from the knees by themselves, even in pain. Even if that pain is a sweet-lying one. <\/p>\n<p>The recent attempt of the President Nicolae Timofti to designate Ion Sturza as a technocrat Prime-Minister was met with overwhelmed coldness by the Democrats and the former Communists, later by the Liberals, let alone the Socialists and the core Communists. The extraordinary session from the 4 of January this year, supposed for giving the confidence vote for the new Government, failed due to lack of quorum: 53 MPs out of 101 prefered to stay home rather than examining a reforms program in a period of deep crisis. This directed rejection of a reformist Government was the last of drop in the cup of disgrace of the citizens, who were asking themselves whether a lack of quorum means a rejection according to the Constitution. The second and the last legal round of negotiations for forming a new &#8220;Pro-European&#8221; majority and for voting a new Government started, but the probability of announcing preliminary Parliamentary elections is higher as the parties are too stubborn to give up on occupied profitable state institutions to make some space for independent, &#8220;too&#8221; reformist professionals. High is the probability that the Pro-Russian Socialists and the partisans of the eccentric Renato Usat\u00eei (and why not, the members of the Social-Democrat Platform) would get enough votes to form a Government in case of preliminary elections in spring, as the centrist and the right-wing voters show little interest or big repugnance for their parties. New Pro-European alternatives appeared: the Dignity and Truth Party, helped by the civic movement, and the Solidarity and Action Party, led by former World Bank consultant and Education Minister. The problem is that the current governing political class from the Parliament doesn\u2019t want to allow any outsiders from the civil society and the professional groups to seize power. There is no doubt or surprise that the Democrat Plahotniuc and his allies are interested in keeping the status-quo. And he does think he can control the situation. The insiders thus want to control the permissive democracy of Moldova.<\/p>\n<p>Now, when EU&#8217;s success story is about to fail as a democratic state because of the failures of the political class, people of Moldova see no hope for a better life or even peace. The region is in deep crisis: Ukraine is at war, European Union tries to cope with the migration flows, Russia thinks too much of its military position and too little about its economic struggles. Not even the Association Agreement has managed to ensure Moldova&#8217;s stability and integrity, taking the separatist Transnistria in account. It failed from inside.<br \/>\nRomania also reset its brotherhood policy with Moldova: reforms or no money given, transparency in the Pro-European Government or no support in the European Parliament, fair justice or no technical assistance, etc. Still, Romania has not closed its arms to a hug with Moldova, a economical and political union, as it occurred in 1918. It generally (65% acceptance of the Union) accepts and welcomes Moldova as a integral part, while in the &#8220;Republic&#8221; the idea is clearly supported only by some 20% yet.<\/p>\n<p>So, let the people decide whether Moldova is in a dead end or in a crucial point for change.<\/p>\n<p>Later edit on 9 of January 2016.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 5<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span>Since the signing of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Moldova in April 2014, the EU membership has become a clear prospective for the 25 year-old country. Coincidence or not, the same Agreement was proposed to Ukraine and Georgia in the context of Russian expansion: Crimea annexation and intervention in Donbass. Perhaps the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":441798,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,12,3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-438486","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-important-en","category-opinion","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"<span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 5<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span><p>Since the signing of the Association Agreement between the European Union and Moldova in April 2014, the EU membership has become a clear prospective for the 25 year-old country. Coincidence or not, the same Agreement was proposed to Ukraine and Georgia in the context of Russian expansion: Crimea annexation and intervention in Donbass.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the association deal was a tool for the EU to think of the countries in the very proximity of Russia&#8217;s sphere of influence as of friendly partners. Speaking about them, the deal was a generator of hope for future investment, freedom of movement and sustainable economic development.<\/p>\n<p>Meeting little critics, the EU has closed its eyes on the lack of concrete, progressive reforms and then, lack of interest to fight high-level corruption and frauds in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia.<\/p>\n<p>Taking Moldova&#8217;s path in particular, it can be said that the so-called &#8220;Pro-European&#8221; governing parties (Liberal-Democrats, Liberals and Democrats) actually gave up on continuing promised reforms by promoting the obtained visa-free regime within the EU as the main achievement since the independence. Even the terms and the legal conditions asked by Brussels to be implemented have been applied in a less than 50% ratio. After ratifying the Agreement quickly, the Pro-European majority didn&#8217;t just neglect the promises made to both the EU and people. These parties simply immersed into the mud of sharing influential positions, improving the corruption and fraud schemes and then performing Hollywood-ish political shows. <\/p>\n<p>Heroes are to be known, so here are the main actors of the &#8220;Moldovan Fail&#8221; movie:<br \/>\n1. Vlad Filat- Liberal-Democrat, once the most popular politician. Reportedly, from 2009 until now he had control over the Customs Office, the Ministry of Healthcare, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finances, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Arrested for bank frauds and huge extortion from a businessman, involved in the insolvency of three big Moldovan banks.<br \/>\nHis party is now out of the coalition and is about to enter a state of opposition.<br \/>\n2. Liberals led by the eccentric Mihai Ghimpu, supposedly Pro-Romanian and Pro-NATO, besides Pro-EU. The party members close to him still have control over the Transportation Ministry, the Defense Ministry, the Education Ministry and the city council of Chi\u0219in\u0103u. Ghimpu broke the coalition once by asking a reform of the prosecution and justice system. Joined back, gave up on the old principles and is open to cooperate with the Liberal-Democrats on one hand, and the Communists (diametrical enemy), after being kindly asked by Democrats, on the other.<br \/>\n3. Democrats owned by the oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc. Key role in the coalition due to the great financial and political power. Despite having few MPs, Plahotniuc managed to have in his hands key institutions: Speaker of the Parliament, the Ministry of Economy, the Secret Services, the General Prosecution Office, several high-profile judges and prosecutors and the Anti-Corruption Center (that arrested Filat). He has been showing secrecy and strength at the same time by threatening and blackmailing political opponents. Nevertheless, he&#8217;s able to control even the Pro-Russian opposition.<br \/>\n4. Opposition- the Communists and the Socialists. The latter supported the voting of a Pro-European President, but now are criticizing him and the majority through protests. Communists tend to adapt to the Pro-European idea, in order to survive on the political ring. Neither of these represents a real, trustworthy opposition.Just before the end of 2015, some 14 Communists MPs left the party and joined the Democrat caucus to form the so-called Social-Democrat Platform, supposed to compete with the extreme leftist Socialists.<br \/>\n5. People. Fed by promises and European future, they forgot to claim them even during relatively good governments. The mass-protests began only in spring 2015, when the famous one billion fraud from the banks was discovered and the public opinion realized that Moldova is about to be bankrupt and financially unreliable. They are struggling now to form some specific claims, but cannot find a clear national leader. Even the protest movement organized by the Civic Platform &#8220;Dignity and Truth&#8221; galvanized too little in the minds of the governors and made no change in the policies or the quality of life in 2015. It barely showed leadership, unity and clear determination.<br \/>\n6. European Union. The multiple visits of European leaders and the investment done has fed too much the trust of the parties from the Government. The EU has managed to show the light at the end of the tunnel for Moldova, but it didn&#8217;t tell Moldovans to stand up from the knees by themselves, even in pain. Even if that pain is a sweet-lying one. <\/p>\n<p>The recent attempt of the President Nicolae Timofti to designate Ion Sturza as a technocrat Prime-Minister was met with overwhelmed coldness by the Democrats and the former Communists, later by the Liberals, let alone the Socialists and the core Communists. The extraordinary session from the 4 of January this year, supposed for giving the confidence vote for the new Government, failed due to lack of quorum: 53 MPs out of 101 prefered to stay home rather than examining a reforms program in a period of deep crisis. This directed rejection of a reformist Government was the last of drop in the cup of disgrace of the citizens, who were asking themselves whether a lack of quorum means a rejection according to the Constitution. The second and the last legal round of negotiations for forming a new &#8220;Pro-European&#8221; majority and for voting a new Government started, but the probability of announcing preliminary Parliamentary elections is higher as the parties are too stubborn to give up on occupied profitable state institutions to make some space for independent, &#8220;too&#8221; reformist professionals. High is the probability that the Pro-Russian Socialists and the partisans of the eccentric Renato Usat\u00eei (and why not, the members of the Social-Democrat Platform) would get enough votes to form a Government in case of preliminary elections in spring, as the centrist and the right-wing voters show little interest or big repugnance for their parties. New Pro-European alternatives appeared: the Dignity and Truth Party, helped by the civic movement, and the Solidarity and Action Party, led by former World Bank consultant and Education Minister. The problem is that the current governing political class from the Parliament doesn\u2019t want to allow any outsiders from the civil society and the professional groups to seize power. There is no doubt or surprise that the Democrat Plahotniuc and his allies are interested in keeping the status-quo. And he does think he can control the situation. The insiders thus want to control the permissive democracy of Moldova.<\/p>\n<p>Now, when EU&#8217;s success story is about to fail as a democratic state because of the failures of the political class, people of Moldova see no hope for a better life or even peace. The region is in deep crisis: Ukraine is at war, European Union tries to cope with the migration flows, Russia thinks too much of its military position and too little about its economic struggles. Not even the Association Agreement has managed to ensure Moldova&#8217;s stability and integrity, taking the separatist Transnistria in account. It failed from inside.<br \/>\nRomania also reset its brotherhood policy with Moldova: reforms or no money given, transparency in the Pro-European Government or no support in the European Parliament, fair justice or no technical assistance, etc. Still, Romania has not closed its arms to a hug with Moldova, a economical and political union, as it occurred in 1918. It generally (65% acceptance of the Union) accepts and welcomes Moldova as a integral part, while in the &#8220;Republic&#8221; the idea is clearly supported only by some 20% yet.<\/p>\n<p>So, let the people decide whether Moldova is in a dead end or in a crucial point for change.<\/p>\n<p>Later edit on 9 of January 2016.<\/p>\n<div class='heateorSssClear'><\/div><div  class='heateor_sss_sharing_container heateor_sss_horizontal_sharing' data-heateor-sss-href='https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldova-eus-failed-success-story\/' data-heateor-sss-no-counts=\"1\"><div class='heateor_sss_sharing_title' style=\"font-weight:bold\" ><\/div><div class=\"heateor_sss_sharing_ul\"><a aria-label=\"Facebook\" class=\"heateor_sss_facebook\" href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sharer\/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.moldova.org%2Fen%2Fmoldova-eus-failed-success-story%2F\" title=\"Facebook\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\" 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Vlas\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Estimated reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"6 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/moldova-eus-failed-success-story\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/moldova-eus-failed-success-story\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Cristi Vlas\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/dcbd06b375a29cab9233deffe7826a9f\"},\"headline\":\"Moldova- EU&#8217;s failed &#8220;success 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