{"id":399819,"date":"2014-09-19T12:16:10","date_gmt":"2014-09-19T09:16:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.moldova.org\/?p=399819"},"modified":"2014-09-19T12:16:10","modified_gmt":"2014-09-19T09:16:10","slug":"the-european-dream-will-moldova-get-there","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/the-european-dream-will-moldova-get-there\/","title":{"rendered":"The European Dream \u2013 will Moldova get there?"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Editor’s note: Jon Woodcraft is a Volunteer Researcher from the UK, and since April 2014 has been working for a Moldovan NGO in the field of Human Rights, Anti-Corruption and Public Policy. Previously he has worked at the European Parliament and is a graduate of the School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies (SSEES), University College London. He can speak fluent Russian and some Romanian. The views expressed in this article are his own.<\/em><\/p>\n

2014 has been a big year for Moldova. The ruling pro-European coalition, formed in 2013 and headed by the polite, fluent English speaking Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, has sailed its course towards Europe with vigour. The much-heralded visa-free regime came into effect at the end of April and has already allowed thousands of Moldovan citizens to travel freely through Schengen countries.<\/p>\n

Shortly afterwards came the historic signing of the Association Agreement with the EU in June, which sets out to reform Moldova\u2019s institutions and increase trade opportunities in European markets. These have undoubtedly been fantastic achievements for Mr. Leanca and the ruling pro-European coalition made. Just over a year ago, the country was locked in a political strangle after the collapse of the previous pro-European coalition headed by former Prime Minister Vlad Filat. Praise has even come from the EU itself. Incoming EU foreign policy chief, Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini complimented the country for choosing “the path of going towards the West\u201d.<\/p>\n

Public still wary of European course<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"JonBut despite all the fanfare and celebration, many do not feel the situation has changed since Mr. Leanca came to power. Reforms are proving slow to implement and Moldova still remains the poorest state in Europe, with average wages hovering around 3900 Moldovan lei (274 USD). A public opinion survey this June showed that only 38% of Moldovans think the country is \u2018generally going in the right direction\u2019 (Baltic Surveys\/Gallup\/International Republican Institute).<\/p>\n

EU money has been one of the key drivers behind reform. Between 2011 and 2013, Moldova was provided with \u20ac308m under the European Neighbourhood Policy. There have indeed been some visible improvements; infrastructure, education and macroeconomic stability have all improved thanks to investment and a fiscal policy rethink.<\/p>\n

Corruption, institutional reform and unemployment stalling progress<\/strong><\/p>\n

Efforts to squash corruption, cut unemployment figures and instigate institutional reform are largely stagnating or according to some reports, regressing. According to a poll by the International Republican Institute, 81% of the population thinks that \u2018Corruption is a big problem nowadays\u2019. Methods to combat it have been largely ineffective, despite a push from civil society to introduce mechanisms such as publishing government officials\u2019 statements of income, assets and interests.<\/p>\n

Many public employees remain entangled in a vicious circle; in order to feed their families they are forced to take bribes from patients to top up their low incomes, already eroded by the mismanagement of public funds. Moldova came in at 102 out of 177 under Transparency International\u2019s Corruption Perceptions Index in 2013, a fall on its ranking of 94 in 2012, a sign the situation is deteriorating. Moldova\u2019s jobless are on the up – the number registered unemployed hit 6.2% this year compared to 5.6% in 2012.<\/p>\n

The lack of permanent and stable employment means the country loses out in millions of unpaid taxes; the shadow economy accounted for 44% of national GDP, according to a report published in 2013. Proposed reforms of the judiciary have been slow. The legal system remains archaic and dysfunctional, largely based on the Soviet model of an omnipotent prosecution. NGOs despair at the level of progress being made. Local think tank \u2018Expert Grup\u2019 has condemned efforts towards judicial reform under the European Union\u2013Moldova Action Plan as \u2018insignificant\u2019.<\/p>\n

Political instability could rear its ugly head once again<\/strong><\/p>\n

The parliamentary elections in November could be a tipping point for the country\u2019s future. Leanca and his coalition fear that the Communists, who were elected to government in 2001 and 2005, could make a comeback. Between April 2009-November 2010 Moldova went without a president despite three parliamentary elections, a situation that resulted in the Parliament being set alight by angry protesters. A more likely, yet potentially more dangerous situation in this case is that the election will result in a hung parliament. Despite attempts at \u2018Derussification\u2019, Moldova remains an ethnically mixed state, with Ukrainians, Russians and Moldovans living side by side. Russian businessmen exert a high level of influence upon the country through their ownership of banks, companies and even the country\u2019s single International Airport in Chisinau. If no clear party emerges as the victor, Russia could use its economic interests to create instability in the country, something that neither the EU nor the Moldovan government would have much control over.<\/p>\n

Moldova still has some serious, even painful changes to make. There is a current pro-EU slogan in the country \u2013 \u201cFor a normal life, Moldova \u2013 Europe\u201d. If the Moldovan government wants to create so-called normality then the EU integration process needs to be taken more seriously. At present, the government is only half delivering the reforms the country needs. Success stories such as EU-Moldova twinning projects and investment in infrastructure are sadly too few. The EU needs to capitalise on these successes and instigate more efficient funding for its projects, as well as to push the Moldovan government to be proactive in pushing reforms in the judiciary and public governance. A threat from Russia is more likely if the country is dysfunctional \u2013 a pressing reason for Moldova and the EU to work harder, together. Landmark announcements such as the visa free regime and ratification of the Association are all very well, but without real political conviction behind building a functional and prosperous Moldova, they will end up no more than populist rhetoric.<\/p>\n

By Jon Woodcraft<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Editor’s note: Jon Woodcraft is a Volunteer Researcher from the UK, and since April 2014 has been working for a Moldovan NGO in the field of Human Rights, Anti-Corruption and Public Policy. Previously he has worked at the European Parliament and is a graduate of the School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies (SSEES), University […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":399823,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12,3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-399819","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Editor’s note: Jon Woodcraft is a Volunteer Researcher from the UK, and since April 2014 has been working for a Moldovan NGO in the field of Human Rights, Anti-Corruption and Public Policy. Previously he has worked at the European Parliament and is a graduate of the School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies (SSEES), University College London. He can speak fluent Russian and some Romanian. The views expressed in this article are his own.<\/em><\/p>\n

2014 has been a big year for Moldova. The ruling pro-European coalition, formed in 2013 and headed by the polite, fluent English speaking Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, has sailed its course towards Europe with vigour. The much-heralded visa-free regime came into effect at the end of April and has already allowed thousands of Moldovan citizens to travel freely through Schengen countries.<\/p>\n

Shortly afterwards came the historic signing of the Association Agreement with the EU in June, which sets out to reform Moldova\u2019s institutions and increase trade opportunities in European markets. These have undoubtedly been fantastic achievements for Mr. Leanca and the ruling pro-European coalition made. Just over a year ago, the country was locked in a political strangle after the collapse of the previous pro-European coalition headed by former Prime Minister Vlad Filat. Praise has even come from the EU itself. Incoming EU foreign policy chief, Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini complimented the country for choosing “the path of going towards the West\u201d.<\/p>\n

Public still wary of European course<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"JonBut despite all the fanfare and celebration, many do not feel the situation has changed since Mr. Leanca came to power. Reforms are proving slow to implement and Moldova still remains the poorest state in Europe, with average wages hovering around 3900 Moldovan lei (274 USD). A public opinion survey this June showed that only 38% of Moldovans think the country is \u2018generally going in the right direction\u2019 (Baltic Surveys\/Gallup\/International Republican Institute).<\/p>\n

EU money has been one of the key drivers behind reform. Between 2011 and 2013, Moldova was provided with \u20ac308m under the European Neighbourhood Policy. There have indeed been some visible improvements; infrastructure, education and macroeconomic stability have all improved thanks to investment and a fiscal policy rethink.<\/p>\n

Corruption, institutional reform and unemployment stalling progress<\/strong><\/p>\n

Efforts to squash corruption, cut unemployment figures and instigate institutional reform are largely stagnating or according to some reports, regressing. According to a poll by the International Republican Institute, 81% of the population thinks that \u2018Corruption is a big problem nowadays\u2019. Methods to combat it have been largely ineffective, despite a push from civil society to introduce mechanisms such as publishing government officials\u2019 statements of income, assets and interests.<\/p>\n

Many public employees remain entangled in a vicious circle; in order to feed their families they are forced to take bribes from patients to top up their low incomes, already eroded by the mismanagement of public funds. Moldova came in at 102 out of 177 under Transparency International\u2019s Corruption Perceptions Index in 2013, a fall on its ranking of 94 in 2012, a sign the situation is deteriorating. Moldova\u2019s jobless are on the up – the number registered unemployed hit 6.2% this year compared to 5.6% in 2012.<\/p>\n

The lack of permanent and stable employment means the country loses out in millions of unpaid taxes; the shadow economy accounted for 44% of national GDP, according to a report published in 2013. Proposed reforms of the judiciary have been slow. The legal system remains archaic and dysfunctional, largely based on the Soviet model of an omnipotent prosecution. NGOs despair at the level of progress being made. Local think tank \u2018Expert Grup\u2019 has condemned efforts towards judicial reform under the European Union\u2013Moldova Action Plan as \u2018insignificant\u2019.<\/p>\n

Political instability could rear its ugly head once again<\/strong><\/p>\n

The parliamentary elections in November could be a tipping point for the country\u2019s future. Leanca and his coalition fear that the Communists, who were elected to government in 2001 and 2005, could make a comeback. Between April 2009-November 2010 Moldova went without a president despite three parliamentary elections, a situation that resulted in the Parliament being set alight by angry protesters. A more likely, yet potentially more dangerous situation in this case is that the election will result in a hung parliament. Despite attempts at \u2018Derussification\u2019, Moldova remains an ethnically mixed state, with Ukrainians, Russians and Moldovans living side by side. Russian businessmen exert a high level of influence upon the country through their ownership of banks, companies and even the country\u2019s single International Airport in Chisinau. If no clear party emerges as the victor, Russia could use its economic interests to create instability in the country, something that neither the EU nor the Moldovan government would have much control over.<\/p>\n

Moldova still has some serious, even painful changes to make. There is a current pro-EU slogan in the country \u2013 \u201cFor a normal life, Moldova \u2013 Europe\u201d. If the Moldovan government wants to create so-called normality then the EU integration process needs to be taken more seriously. At present, the government is only half delivering the reforms the country needs. Success stories such as EU-Moldova twinning projects and investment in infrastructure are sadly too few. The EU needs to capitalise on these successes and instigate more efficient funding for its projects, as well as to push the Moldovan government to be proactive in pushing reforms in the judiciary and public governance. A threat from Russia is more likely if the country is dysfunctional \u2013 a pressing reason for Moldova and the EU to work harder, together. Landmark announcements such as the visa free regime and ratification of the Association are all very well, but without real political conviction behind building a functional and prosperous Moldova, they will end up no more than populist rhetoric.<\/p>\n

By Jon Woodcraft<\/em><\/p>\n

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