{"id":190753,"date":"2006-05-29T10:22:00","date_gmt":"2006-05-29T10:22:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2006\/05\/29\/moldovas-place-within-the-european-neighbourhood-facts-and-prospects-12810-eng\/"},"modified":"2006-05-29T10:22:00","modified_gmt":"2006-05-29T10:22:00","slug":"moldovas-place-within-the-european-neighbourhood-facts-and-prospects-12810-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldovas-place-within-the-european-neighbourhood-facts-and-prospects-12810-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Moldova\u2019s Place within the European Neighbourhood: Facts and Prospects"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Common Vision for Common Neighborhood 
\n3 May 2006, Vilnius<\/strong><\/font>
\nIGOR Munteanu <\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n

It is a real privilege to attend this conference, and I would like to express my appreciation for the hard work invested in it. The conference coincides with a number of trends in the Western Europe, as well as in the countries which have transited recently from a post-soviet, Russian-dominated ‘near neighborhood’ to an ‘European-minded’ wider neighborhood. Let me share with you how we see these trends in Moldova, how we evaluate our prospects to become closer to the EU and what are the facts that prove this commitment. <\/p>\n

Since March 2003 Moldova become part of the ENP which aims to build a new sort of cooperation with countries at the border of the enlarged EU-Wider Europe, based on ‘shared political and economic values’. The ENP sees this achieved through a policy of ‘constructive engagement’. One of the main reasons for the ENP creation was to assist the systemic transformations in the countries, which were not included nor invited to join any sort of SA agreements with EU, but were judged as ‘extremely important’ for security reasons (migration flows, territorial conflicts, border disputes), which are mostly related to the ESFP. <\/p>\n

The overall goal of the ENP is quite clear to us, and I believe that after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities, we’ve made a right step into the right direction. In February 26, 2005, Moldova has signed an Action Plan with EU, which in spite all objective limitations provided a new framework of dialogue and guidelines in our cooperation, On the basis of a ‘strategic consensus’ among the main political parties and civil society groups, we have set as a strategic goal for the country to join EU, and have also drafted an IPAP with NATO in 2006. A number of key-reforms have started last year, concerning the judiciary reform, central public administration reform, access to information law, freedom of speech, and other vital steps aiming to reduce governance flaws, while increase accountability of the governments and rule of law. <\/p>\n

On its part, the EU has also imported parts of the most anguishing problems of Moldova. The EU designated its special representative to deal in Moldova with the conflict resolution in Transnistria. The EU also gained an observer seat within the current conflict settlement format aside Russia, US, OSCE, Moldova and Ukraine, while in the same time, it set a EU Delegation in Moldova and granted it a GSP+ trade package. That entails a greater cooperation of Moldova and the EU in the field of a wide areas of domestic reforms, and a greater role for the EU in the settlement of Transnistrian conflict, largely dominated in the last decade by a Russian-imposed model of ‘autocratic regime’. One can say, we have achieved most of what was generally possible after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities on our side, but this would be partially true due to the fact that we have witnessed how other neighbors, as in the Baltic States, or in the south-eastern Europe, have registered better results due to an enhanced statute of relations with EU. <\/p>\n

Therefore, assessing the statute of moldo-EU relations, there is a number of questions to be answered. <\/p>\n

The first one concerns the identity of Moldova as either candidate for future membership to the EU or just a “neighbor”. The second one questions the final goal of the pro-European policies Moldova is undertaking either towards EU membership, or towards becoming a better neighbor. EU officials have many times expressed the slim accession prospects even in the medium run for the countries belonging to the ex-soviet space. But, what is to be or not to be an European ‘neighbor’; it is unclear why ENP defines an European and not a EU neighborhood. As Europe means a geocultural and geopolitical space, we cannot be neighbors to ourselves. Europe is where Europeans live, identify themselves as ‘Europeans’, while ‘political neighborhood’ refers mostly to the ‘EU neighborhood’, which is quite distinct and has its own distributive effects. <\/p>\n

The second pair of questions are referred to what EU expects from its neighbors. Moldova, just like Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and a bunch of Mediterranean countries were granted towards an alternative policy replacing full-fledged EU integration, and this is particularly clear as it avoids any reference to the ‘aquis communaitaire’ terms and vocabulary reliying mostly on a kind of ‘fitting-all’ standards, which is certainly undermining the focus and relevance of the reforms, on a long-rung in our countries. The existing Action Plans would allow Moldova or Ukraine, in principle, to intensify cooperation with EU in some aspects (including the market, security, culture and science), but will bring less chances to manage its institutional resources and aspirations in conformity with the ‘EU standards and regulations’, already in place in other countries of the Central and Eastern Europe. <\/p>\n

On the other hand, there is no any particular identity of south-eastern Europeans that would need to keep Moldovans, Ukrainians outside of the EU format. By contrast to the Middle Eastern Neighbors, there are no cultural or civilization drawbacks for Moldova’s European identity. Public support is for instance entirely pro-European in Moldova. Judging only on the recent polls, citizens support in joining EU is about 77%, while only 9% disapprove it. Half of the population believes the EU is Moldova’s main trade partner. The fact that public perception is way ahead of the real economic and political facts proves the symbolic value of Europe in the Moldovan society. Russia is perceived as Moldova’s main partner by 52%, while 32% think Russia makes also the most political and economic threat. Only 8% of Moldovans view EU as being a threat. As for the political orientation, the pro-European views are even more striking. All political parties in Moldova, excepting the extremist pro-Russian parties of Patria-Rodina and Ravnopravie (4-8%) of the electorate support the pro-EU course, and commit themselves to struggle for this course at any cost. <\/p>\n

The civilizational congruence of Moldova and European Union is obvious, therefore the only real problem is making Moldova work like a European country. Sometimes, we have not engineered enough our own solutions to the complex agenda of social and economic problems, partially because we’ve missed a chance to get a roadmap towards what we have to achieve. The lack of integration perspectives can inhibit the pro-European economic and social reforms. That is because EU course involves multiple trade-offs for the countries involved, while the prospects of membership is the kind of benefit that impinges the states and nations to bear the costs of its transition in institutional terms. The absence of this incentive, would certainly discourage the neighbors from the socially and politically costly reforms, and this argument seems to be quite substantiated. <\/p>\n

The nexus of these questions address the feasibility of an EU membership trajectory on a long run. It succeeded to create for many countries in the Central and South Eastern Europe a transitional model that guided elites and fostered nations to follow a course of democratic and economic reforms, to curb their inflicted political, social and economic problems and to repair historical injustices or ethnic conflicts. As the EU enlargement was one of the most successful transformation projects of the history, its substitution may not guarantee a full-stabilization of the market-economy, stable democracy and vibrant civil societies in the countries which strives today to invest in their development after many decades of stagnation or soviet rule. I would like to reinstate that most of the Moldova’s problems are easy solvable. Sometimes, we tend to regard the non-accession clause as a consequence of poor homework execution, and something that can be changed. The widespread belief within the political class is that ‘as soon as the reforms are better implemented and the economy is in better shape, the non-accession clause will be ruled out for Moldova’. <\/p>\n

Of course, not everything fits to our expectations yet. After the 1 year of implementing the Moldova-EU Action Plan, there is a chronic lack of professionalism and EU awareness within the staff of the various state agencies and ministries. In fact, few public officials outside of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, know even the basics of the EU and EU construction, very few of them show real capacity to learn from the lessons of transition, while quite a bit of the state bodies remain literally untouched by the reforms. There is also a stark opposition from the bureaucracy that fears the staff-cuts and the “war on corruption”, as well as massive re-organization of the public administration. Poor financing, and excessive reliance on the external funding prohibit innovative solutions, while allowing some of the civil servants to show no commitment at all to the key-sectors they are in charge for. Therefore, there is need for more effective reforms and more concrete results in the implementation of the Moldova-EU Action Plan. Integrating the EU into the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, increasing the participation of Moldova in the European economy and the structural reforms will, in the long run bring Moldova in the position of asking for EU accession. Instead of getting discouraged, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, which is in charge of the Moldova-EU Action Plan, is both motivated and pressured by the President to accomplish more. <\/p>\n

On the basis of the current neighborhood instruments, Moldova should clearly take advantage to modernize its economy and institutions to the existing EU standards. When that is achieved, European accession is a matter of formal agreements. Massive education campaigns should be conducted aside reforms. More European investment into educating the present and future administration of Moldova by enacting education programs, academic mobility programs and public awareness initiatives is greatly needed. Romania and the “new European countries” could also provide valuable assistance by sharing European integration experience. <\/p>\n

More conditionality should be asserted from the part of EU towards Moldova. The conditionality should be paired with objective evaluation of the Moldovan government’s (in-)success in conducting democratic reforms. Nothing could spur the Moldovan government’s reforms like negative appreciation from the part of European Commission. That would definitely push the Moldovan authorities look for more efficient solutions. In the same time, Moldova, Ukraine and the rest of EU neighbors may consider the creation of common bodies that would be representative to speak out common interests towards the EU. In particular, this may help them to associate to assimilate some parts of the aquis communotaire; it may facilitate their accession to a number of EU instruments, such as: Security and Foreign Policy, Judicial and Home Affiairs, Environment, Trade, etc. It may create an additional leverage to influence EU to make accessible some parts of the structural funds to their recognized neighbors. This may create an exceptionally appealing roadmap for Ukraine and Moldova towards formal\/gradual acquisition of the criteria which are met by the EU members. The benefits are also obvious to us, as well as for the EU. Therefore, it is obvious that the place of Moldova within Europe and the perceived finality of the European integration process can impact greatly future performances. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Moldova\u2019s Place within the European Neighbourhood: Facts and Prospects<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-190753","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-society"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Common Vision for Common Neighborhood 
\n3 May 2006, Vilnius<\/strong><\/font>
\nIGOR Munteanu <\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n

It is a real privilege to attend this conference, and I would like to express my appreciation for the hard work invested in it. The conference coincides with a number of trends in the Western Europe, as well as in the countries which have transited recently from a post-soviet, Russian-dominated ‘near neighborhood’ to an ‘European-minded’ wider neighborhood. Let me share with you how we see these trends in Moldova, how we evaluate our prospects to become closer to the EU and what are the facts that prove this commitment. <\/p>\n

Since March 2003 Moldova become part of the ENP which aims to build a new sort of cooperation with countries at the border of the enlarged EU-Wider Europe, based on ‘shared political and economic values’. The ENP sees this achieved through a policy of ‘constructive engagement’. One of the main reasons for the ENP creation was to assist the systemic transformations in the countries, which were not included nor invited to join any sort of SA agreements with EU, but were judged as ‘extremely important’ for security reasons (migration flows, territorial conflicts, border disputes), which are mostly related to the ESFP. <\/p>\n

The overall goal of the ENP is quite clear to us, and I believe that after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities, we’ve made a right step into the right direction. In February 26, 2005, Moldova has signed an Action Plan with EU, which in spite all objective limitations provided a new framework of dialogue and guidelines in our cooperation, On the basis of a ‘strategic consensus’ among the main political parties and civil society groups, we have set as a strategic goal for the country to join EU, and have also drafted an IPAP with NATO in 2006. A number of key-reforms have started last year, concerning the judiciary reform, central public administration reform, access to information law, freedom of speech, and other vital steps aiming to reduce governance flaws, while increase accountability of the governments and rule of law. <\/p>\n

On its part, the EU has also imported parts of the most anguishing problems of Moldova. The EU designated its special representative to deal in Moldova with the conflict resolution in Transnistria. The EU also gained an observer seat within the current conflict settlement format aside Russia, US, OSCE, Moldova and Ukraine, while in the same time, it set a EU Delegation in Moldova and granted it a GSP+ trade package. That entails a greater cooperation of Moldova and the EU in the field of a wide areas of domestic reforms, and a greater role for the EU in the settlement of Transnistrian conflict, largely dominated in the last decade by a Russian-imposed model of ‘autocratic regime’. One can say, we have achieved most of what was generally possible after a decade of turmoil and ambiguities on our side, but this would be partially true due to the fact that we have witnessed how other neighbors, as in the Baltic States, or in the south-eastern Europe, have registered better results due to an enhanced statute of relations with EU. <\/p>\n

Therefore, assessing the statute of moldo-EU relations, there is a number of questions to be answered. <\/p>\n

The first one concerns the identity of Moldova as either candidate for future membership to the EU or just a “neighbor”. The second one questions the final goal of the pro-European policies Moldova is undertaking either towards EU membership, or towards becoming a better neighbor. EU officials have many times expressed the slim accession prospects even in the medium run for the countries belonging to the ex-soviet space. But, what is to be or not to be an European ‘neighbor’; it is unclear why ENP defines an European and not a EU neighborhood. As Europe means a geocultural and geopolitical space, we cannot be neighbors to ourselves. Europe is where Europeans live, identify themselves as ‘Europeans’, while ‘political neighborhood’ refers mostly to the ‘EU neighborhood’, which is quite distinct and has its own distributive effects. <\/p>\n

The second pair of questions are referred to what EU expects from its neighbors. Moldova, just like Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and a bunch of Mediterranean countries were granted towards an alternative policy replacing full-fledged EU integration, and this is particularly clear as it avoids any reference to the ‘aquis communaitaire’ terms and vocabulary reliying mostly on a kind of ‘fitting-all’ standards, which is certainly undermining the focus and relevance of the reforms, on a long-rung in our countries. The existing Action Plans would allow Moldova or Ukraine, in principle, to intensify cooperation with EU in some aspects (including the market, security, culture and science), but will bring less chances to manage its institutional resources and aspirations in conformity with the ‘EU standards and regulations’, already in place in other countries of the Central and Eastern Europe. <\/p>\n

On the other hand, there is no any particular identity of south-eastern Europeans that would need to keep Moldovans, Ukrainians outside of the EU format. By contrast to the Middle Eastern Neighbors, there are no cultural or civilization drawbacks for Moldova’s European identity. Public support is for instance entirely pro-European in Moldova. Judging only on the recent polls, citizens support in joining EU is about 77%, while only 9% disapprove it. Half of the population believes the EU is Moldova’s main trade partner. The fact that public perception is way ahead of the real economic and political facts proves the symbolic value of Europe in the Moldovan society. Russia is perceived as Moldova’s main partner by 52%, while 32% think Russia makes also the most political and economic threat. Only 8% of Moldovans view EU as being a threat. As for the political orientation, the pro-European views are even more striking. All political parties in Moldova, excepting the extremist pro-Russian parties of Patria-Rodina and Ravnopravie (4-8%) of the electorate support the pro-EU course, and commit themselves to struggle for this course at any cost. <\/p>\n

The civilizational congruence of Moldova and European Union is obvious, therefore the only real problem is making Moldova work like a European country. Sometimes, we have not engineered enough our own solutions to the complex agenda of social and economic problems, partially because we’ve missed a chance to get a roadmap towards what we have to achieve. The lack of integration perspectives can inhibit the pro-European economic and social reforms. That is because EU course involves multiple trade-offs for the countries involved, while the prospects of membership is the kind of benefit that impinges the states and nations to bear the costs of its transition in institutional terms. The absence of this incentive, would certainly discourage the neighbors from the socially and politically costly reforms, and this argument seems to be quite substantiated. <\/p>\n

The nexus of these questions address the feasibility of an EU membership trajectory on a long run. It succeeded to create for many countries in the Central and South Eastern Europe a transitional model that guided elites and fostered nations to follow a course of democratic and economic reforms, to curb their inflicted political, social and economic problems and to repair historical injustices or ethnic conflicts. As the EU enlargement was one of the most successful transformation projects of the history, its substitution may not guarantee a full-stabilization of the market-economy, stable democracy and vibrant civil societies in the countries which strives today to invest in their development after many decades of stagnation or soviet rule. I would like to reinstate that most of the Moldova’s problems are easy solvable. Sometimes, we tend to regard the non-accession clause as a consequence of poor homework execution, and something that can be changed. The widespread belief within the political class is that ‘as soon as the reforms are better implemented and the economy is in better shape, the non-accession clause will be ruled out for Moldova’. <\/p>\n

Of course, not everything fits to our expectations yet. After the 1 year of implementing the Moldova-EU Action Plan, there is a chronic lack of professionalism and EU awareness within the staff of the various state agencies and ministries. In fact, few public officials outside of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, know even the basics of the EU and EU construction, very few of them show real capacity to learn from the lessons of transition, while quite a bit of the state bodies remain literally untouched by the reforms. There is also a stark opposition from the bureaucracy that fears the staff-cuts and the “war on corruption”, as well as massive re-organization of the public administration. Poor financing, and excessive reliance on the external funding prohibit innovative solutions, while allowing some of the civil servants to show no commitment at all to the key-sectors they are in charge for. Therefore, there is need for more effective reforms and more concrete results in the implementation of the Moldova-EU Action Plan. Integrating the EU into the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, increasing the participation of Moldova in the European economy and the structural reforms will, in the long run bring Moldova in the position of asking for EU accession. Instead of getting discouraged, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, which is in charge of the Moldova-EU Action Plan, is both motivated and pressured by the President to accomplish more. <\/p>\n

On the basis of the current neighborhood instruments, Moldova should clearly take advantage to modernize its economy and institutions to the existing EU standards. When that is achieved, European accession is a matter of formal agreements. Massive education campaigns should be conducted aside reforms. More European investment into educating the present and future administration of Moldova by enacting education programs, academic mobility programs and public awareness initiatives is greatly needed. Romania and the “new European countries” could also provide valuable assistance by sharing European integration experience. <\/p>\n

More conditionality should be asserted from the part of EU towards Moldova. The conditionality should be paired with objective evaluation of the Moldovan government’s (in-)success in conducting democratic reforms. Nothing could spur the Moldovan government’s reforms like negative appreciation from the part of European Commission. That would definitely push the Moldovan authorities look for more efficient solutions. In the same time, Moldova, Ukraine and the rest of EU neighbors may consider the creation of common bodies that would be representative to speak out common interests towards the EU. In particular, this may help them to associate to assimilate some parts of the aquis communotaire; it may facilitate their accession to a number of EU instruments, such as: Security and Foreign Policy, Judicial and Home Affiairs, Environment, Trade, etc. It may create an additional leverage to influence EU to make accessible some parts of the structural funds to their recognized neighbors. This may create an exceptionally appealing roadmap for Ukraine and Moldova towards formal\/gradual acquisition of the criteria which are met by the EU members. The benefits are also obvious to us, as well as for the EU. Therefore, it is obvious that the place of Moldova within Europe and the perceived finality of the European integration process can impact greatly future performances. <\/p>\n

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