{"id":175685,"date":"2011-07-05T14:37:40","date_gmt":"2011-07-05T14:37:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2011\/07\/05\/russias-evolving-leadership-putins-shifts-part-3-222645-eng\/"},"modified":"2011-07-05T14:37:40","modified_gmt":"2011-07-05T14:37:40","slug":"russias-evolving-leadership-putins-shifts-part-3-222645-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/russias-evolving-leadership-putins-shifts-part-3-222645-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Russia’s Evolving Leadership: Putin\u2019s Shifts (part 3)"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 2<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Putin, who had no choice but to appeal to the West to help keep the country afloat when he took office in 2000, initially was hailed as a trusted partner by the West. But even while former U.S. President George W. Bush was praising Putin’s soul, behind the scenes, Putin already was reorganizing one of his greatest tools — the FSB — in order to start implementing a full state consolidation in the coming years.<\/p>\n

After 9\/11, Putin was the first foreign leader to phone Bush and offer any assistance from Russia. The date marked an opportunity for both Putin and Russia. The attacks on the United States shifted Washington’s focus, tying it down in the Islamic world for the next decade. This gave Russia a window of opportunity with which to accelerate its crackdown inside (and later outside) Russia without fear of a Western response. During this time, the Kremlin ejected foreign firms, nationalized strategic economic assets, shut down nongovernmental organizations, purged anti-Kremlin journalists, banned many anti-Kremlin political parties and launched a second intense war in Chechnya. Western perceptions of Putin’s friendship and standing as a democratic leader simultaneously evaporated.<\/p>\n

Russia was already solidifying its strength by 2003, by which time the West had noticed its former enemy’s resurgence. The West subsequently initiated a series of moves not to weaken Russia internally (as this was too difficult by now) but to contain Russian power inside its own borders. This spawned a highly contentious period between both sides during which the West supported pro-Western color revolutions in several of the former Soviet states while Russia initiated social unrest and political chaos campaigns in, and energy cutoffs against, several of the same states. The two sides were once again seriously at odds, with the former Soviet sphere now the battlefield. As it is easier for Russia to maneuver within the former Soviet states and with the West pre-occupied in the Islamic world, Moscow began to gain the upper hand. By 2008, the Kremlin was ready to prove to these states that the West would not be able to counter Russian aggression.<\/p>\n

By now, however, the Kremlin had a new president, Medvedev. Like Putin, Medvedev is also from the St. Petersburg clan. Unlike Putin, he was lawyer trained to Western standards, not member of the KGB. Medvedev’s entrance into the Kremlin seemed strange at the time, since Putin had groomed other potential successors who shared his KGB background. Putin, however, knew that in just a few years Russia would be shifting again from being solely aggressive to a new stance that would require a different sort of leader<\/p>\n

By Lauren Goodrich<\/p>\n

"Russia’s Evolving Leadership<\/a> is republished with permission of STRATFOR."<\/p>\n

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