{"id":160109,"date":"2009-12-17T20:13:27","date_gmt":"2009-12-17T20:13:27","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2009\/12\/17\/moldovas-post-election-developments-interview-with-marian-lupu-205002-eng\/"},"modified":"2009-12-17T20:13:27","modified_gmt":"2009-12-17T20:13:27","slug":"moldovas-post-election-developments-interview-with-marian-lupu-205002-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldovas-post-election-developments-interview-with-marian-lupu-205002-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Moldova&#8217;s post-election developments: Interview with Marian Lupu"},"content":{"rendered":"<span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 8<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span><p><em>Interview with Democratic Party leader Marian Lupu: &quot;Moldovan Society Sees Only Me As President&quot;. <\/em><\/p>\n<p>The leader of the Moldovan Democratic Party, Marian Lupu, whom the country&#8217;s parliament twice failed to elect as president of the country, tells Gazeta.Ru about what conclusions the ruling coalition came to after this and what changes the Moldovan authorities may be in for in the nearest time.<br \/>\n<strong><br \/>\n<em>Why did you not become the President of Moldova (two times, Lupu&#8217;s candidacy did not receive the necessary 61 votes &#8211; on 10 November and on 7 December &#8211; Gazeta.Ru)?<\/em><\/strong><em><\/p>\n<p><\/em>Marian Lupu:&nbsp;The only condition that the Communist Party had presented for election of the president back in August, was the re-formatting of the power coalition (today, an alliance of three liberal parties and the Democratic Party is in power in Moldova &#8211; Gazeta.Ru). &quot;Let us form a left-centrist coalition,&quot; said the communists.<\/p>\n<p>A coalition with the communists &#8211; at least for now &#8211; is impossible. Considering the existing situation within the party of communists, this would mean a concentration of all fullness of state power &#8212; as has been the case for the past 8 years &#8212; in the hands of one person, the leader of the PCRM (Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova &#8211; Gazeta.Ru), ex-President of Moldova Vladimir Voronin.<\/p>\n<p>With all of the ensuing consequences, by which I understand to be his views of the development of the country, the priorities in domestic and foreign policy that are based on the search or domestic and foreign enemies, and the struggle against them. The Democratic Party, and I personally, have different views, which are based not on a search for enemies, but on a search for friends.<\/p>\n<p>Although ideologically, we do have something in common. We agree on that which concerns domestic and foreign policy, the country&#8217;s neutrality, and European integration, but at the same time a strategic partnership with Russia, continued participation in the CIS, non-membership in NATO, building a harmonic society with protection of all ethnic groups living here, and on this basis &#8211; the formation and strengthening of the civil nation of Moldova. We are close to the PCRM on very many positions, although there are principle differences in the methods of implementing this policy.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>It turns out that the entire problem comes down to a few people &#8211; Voronin and Tkachuk (Mark Tkachuk, one of the leaders of the Communist Party &#8211; Gazeta.Ru)?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: We should not simplify this so greatly. But different voices were heard within the scope of the PCRM. There were those who were categorically opposed to voting if a left-centrist coalition was not formed. But we also heard those who said that non-election of a president means a deepening of the political and constitutional crisis. And this, in light of the deep economic and social crisis, is very bad for the country. At this stage, the line of harsh resistance won out within the PCRM, and narrow party &#8211; and not all-nationa! l &#8211; interests were taken as the cornerstone.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, according to the latest poll conducted by &quot;Barometer of Public Opinion,&quot; over one-third of Moldovans believe that it is the communists who are to blame for continuation of the political crisis.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>One of the leaders of the Communist party, Vladimir Tsurkan, announced his withdrawal from the communist faction because he did not agree with the party&#8217;s position on voting for president. Did you try to persuade him to do this even before the voting?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: As yet, there is no clarity about whether he will withdraw from the faction alone, or with a group of deputies. We had certain discussions on this topic, and I cannot deny that there was such dialogue and contact. We continue to be open to dialogue with our colleagues from the Communist Party, including those from this group.<\/p>\n<p>I might add that the process has begun at different levels in the country: People have begun leaving the PCRM. ! This does not mean that they are automatically coming over to the Demo cratic Party, which is also understandable. After all, people have to think. But I have repeatedly stated that the door remains open to worthy people from the PCRM. The tendency is coming not only from this side &#8211; we are feeling a big influx of people into the Democratic Party. We are growing both in ratings, and in popularity.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>At least until the Fall (by law, new parliamentary elections in Moldova cannot be announced before the Summer of 2010), Vlad Filat and the speaker will be in power, as well as Acting President Mikhay Gimpu. And you have been left without any formal post &#8211; that is, with nothing. Does this suit you?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: I do not take quite such a mercantile approach to this question. The party is interested in real levers of influence and power. There are minuses as well as pluses in the fact that the leader of the party does not hold a systematic post.<\/p>\n<p>In the specific situation, the Democratic Party is included in the ruling allianc! e. We have a vice-premier, ministers, and representatives of the security bloc. That is, we have a sufficient set of instruments to influence the course of events within the country in the context of the foursome that rules the country today.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Will the alliance be retained now, or will it fall apart?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: Questions of strengthening or disintegration of the alliance least of all depended on the election or non-election of the president. The fundamental principle is the work itself, the organization, the effectiveness of the alliance, which established an entire series of principles of domestic and foreign policy at the time of its formation.<br \/>\nIf the alliance follows the principles of partnership, cooperation, and achieving a consensus, then it will live. But if all these mechanisms are weakened, if centrifugal tendencies are manifested and members of the alliance depart from the agreements not at the level of declarations, but by their actio! ns &#8211; then it will be different.<\/p>\n<p>The Democratic Party did not ins ist that our interest consists of holding some official position. The main thing is to promote our views and values. We are interested in where the country is going and how we are emerging from the crisis. We are ready to lend a shoulder, setting aside personal ambitions.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is, the presidential post was not a condition of creating the alliance for the Democratic Party?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: We understood perfectly well that, for the government and parliament, there is a necessary number of votes (a simple majority is needed to elect the speaker and premier &#8211; Gazeta.Ru). We are not naive people, and we, of course, saw that there was a risk that we would not get the necessary eight votes (3\/5 of the votes &#8211; that is 61 &#8211; are needed to elect the president).<\/p>\n<p>But a mighty impulse was coming from society. It saw the leader of the Democratic Party, and no one else, as the President of Moldova.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>You say that a departure from the established! priorities may split the alliance. But does it not seem to you that President Gimpu and Premier Filat are specifically violating these priorities by their statements?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: I cannot say that we like their declarations and statements very much, which they expressed even before &#8211; both in the plane of NATO, and in the plane of national identity. But at the same time, I will note that I reacted immediately and effectively to these declarations, reminding colleagues that, since we have decided to be a single whole, we must strictly follow this path. I cannot say that I do not have any qualms, but there is a difference between statements and actions. For example, they spoke about studying the history of the Rumanians instead of the history of Moldova. We said that, in any country, it is the history of that country that must be taught, no matter how complex the fate of that country might have been. Only in this way will we be able to raise our children in the spirit of pat! riotism and love for our country. In practice, our schools today teach a course in integrated history, which has been coordinated with the Council of Europe. As yet, no one has issued any instructions to revise these textbooks, and this would already be specific actions.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is if, for example, the history course is revised, you would immediately withdraw from the alliance?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: We are practical people, people of action, and therefore I realize that, since we have come to agreement on a collective partnership, I do not expect that any of the component parts of the coalition would independently make such a decision. We have agreed to discuss all decisions on foreign and domestic policy at the level of the four leaders.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is, Filat and Gimpu do not make such statements in personal discussions, but there are declarations for the voters?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: I have no reason to expect that, in the nearest time, centrifugal tendencies will go into effect, or that each party will begin to promote its o! wn narrow party interests, although we cannot rule this out by 100 percent.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Your arrival to the Democratic Party raised its rating from 2 to 13 percent. If you say that there is an influx of people into the party going on today, then perhaps it is not advantageous for you to cooperate with the right-wingers. You might be able to get the votes by yourselves.<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: And who said that we have made the decision to go to the elections in a bloc with someone? This is a separate question, which is resolved at the level of the party buro. We have yet to hold such discussions and consultations about how we will go to the elections. We have not nailed down the specific format in which we will go to the elections.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>What is your position on the system of presidential elections? Does it need to be simplified?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: I follow the opinion of over 70 percent of our country&#8217;s citizens, to the effect that, considering our political crisi! s, the most optimal path would be direct presidential elections.<\/p>\n<p>We are talking about constitutional reform, and this is not only a change of the technical procedure of electing the president. This would also entail other principles of the Constitution regarding the functions of the head of state, parliament and the prime minister.<\/p>\n<p>Here, we must work calmly. We will have to decide which form of rule to choose &#8211; presidential, parliamentary or mixed. Constitutional reform must be developed by the next political cycle.<\/p>\n<p>But we must somehow resolve the problem already by next year. Who will say that, after the parliamentary elections of 2010, we will once again not find ourselves in a situation of political stalemate?<\/p>\n<p>We must find a short-term solution, so that after the next elections we do not have another crisis, which risks becoming chronic. I have repeatedly said that, if we are not able to elect a president on 7 December, we are in for hard times. It is entirely possible that there are no simple solutions in this situa! tion, and a multi-step system of decision-making will be needed.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>What kind?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: As a short-term measure, we must agree to constitutional amendments. The first and second rounds of the election of president in parliament would require 61 votes, and the third round would require only 52 votes.<\/p>\n<p>Such a variant would only require changing the technical procedure, without touching any of the functions of the branches of power.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Today, power is in the hands of the alliance, and nothing hinders it from calmly managing the country. It turns out that the political crisis has been overcome?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: There are no legal problems, and in this sense you are absolutely right. But there are also other problems. Society is unhappy. It feels that the electoral process has not been concluded. De-facto, this leads to the fact that government statutes have assumed a temporary status. Furthermore, our foreign partners may also draw the! appropriate conclusions.<\/p>\n<p>Those who could have given us financial aid through loans and other forms of support of Moldova in a period of economic crisis.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>But you spoke with representatives of the Russian leadership. Did they reject the idea of giving Moldova a loan?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: These negotiations were conducted along the government line, and therefore I do not possess all fullness of information. As yet, there is still a question mark here.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>And did you feel the support of Russia, or did Moscow back Voronin, for old time&#8217;s sake?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: I felt this support. I highly appraised the correctness of Moscow. I think that our ideas about a strategic partnership with Russia, participation in the CIS, constant neutrality and inter-ethnic peace have found resonance in the Russian political elite.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 8<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span>Interview with Democratic Party leader Marian Lupu: Moldovan Society Sees Only Me As President.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":160108,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-160109","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"<span class=\"span-reading-time rt-reading-time\" style=\"display: block;\"><span class=\"rt-label rt-prefix\">Reading Time: <\/span> <span class=\"rt-time\"> 8<\/span> <span class=\"rt-label rt-postfix\">minutes<\/span><\/span><p><em>Interview with Democratic Party leader Marian Lupu: &quot;Moldovan Society Sees Only Me As President&quot;. <\/em><\/p>\n<p>The leader of the Moldovan Democratic Party, Marian Lupu, whom the country&#8217;s parliament twice failed to elect as president of the country, tells Gazeta.Ru about what conclusions the ruling coalition came to after this and what changes the Moldovan authorities may be in for in the nearest time.<br \/>\n<strong><br \/>\n<em>Why did you not become the President of Moldova (two times, Lupu&#8217;s candidacy did not receive the necessary 61 votes &#8211; on 10 November and on 7 December &#8211; Gazeta.Ru)?<\/em><\/strong><em><\/p>\n<p><\/em>Marian Lupu:&nbsp;The only condition that the Communist Party had presented for election of the president back in August, was the re-formatting of the power coalition (today, an alliance of three liberal parties and the Democratic Party is in power in Moldova &#8211; Gazeta.Ru). &quot;Let us form a left-centrist coalition,&quot; said the communists.<\/p>\n<p>A coalition with the communists &#8211; at least for now &#8211; is impossible. Considering the existing situation within the party of communists, this would mean a concentration of all fullness of state power &#8212; as has been the case for the past 8 years &#8212; in the hands of one person, the leader of the PCRM (Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova &#8211; Gazeta.Ru), ex-President of Moldova Vladimir Voronin.<\/p>\n<p>With all of the ensuing consequences, by which I understand to be his views of the development of the country, the priorities in domestic and foreign policy that are based on the search or domestic and foreign enemies, and the struggle against them. The Democratic Party, and I personally, have different views, which are based not on a search for enemies, but on a search for friends.<\/p>\n<p>Although ideologically, we do have something in common. We agree on that which concerns domestic and foreign policy, the country&#8217;s neutrality, and European integration, but at the same time a strategic partnership with Russia, continued participation in the CIS, non-membership in NATO, building a harmonic society with protection of all ethnic groups living here, and on this basis &#8211; the formation and strengthening of the civil nation of Moldova. We are close to the PCRM on very many positions, although there are principle differences in the methods of implementing this policy.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>It turns out that the entire problem comes down to a few people &#8211; Voronin and Tkachuk (Mark Tkachuk, one of the leaders of the Communist Party &#8211; Gazeta.Ru)?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: We should not simplify this so greatly. But different voices were heard within the scope of the PCRM. There were those who were categorically opposed to voting if a left-centrist coalition was not formed. But we also heard those who said that non-election of a president means a deepening of the political and constitutional crisis. And this, in light of the deep economic and social crisis, is very bad for the country. At this stage, the line of harsh resistance won out within the PCRM, and narrow party &#8211; and not all-nationa! l &#8211; interests were taken as the cornerstone.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, according to the latest poll conducted by &quot;Barometer of Public Opinion,&quot; over one-third of Moldovans believe that it is the communists who are to blame for continuation of the political crisis.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>One of the leaders of the Communist party, Vladimir Tsurkan, announced his withdrawal from the communist faction because he did not agree with the party&#8217;s position on voting for president. Did you try to persuade him to do this even before the voting?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: As yet, there is no clarity about whether he will withdraw from the faction alone, or with a group of deputies. We had certain discussions on this topic, and I cannot deny that there was such dialogue and contact. We continue to be open to dialogue with our colleagues from the Communist Party, including those from this group.<\/p>\n<p>I might add that the process has begun at different levels in the country: People have begun leaving the PCRM. ! This does not mean that they are automatically coming over to the Demo cratic Party, which is also understandable. After all, people have to think. But I have repeatedly stated that the door remains open to worthy people from the PCRM. The tendency is coming not only from this side &#8211; we are feeling a big influx of people into the Democratic Party. We are growing both in ratings, and in popularity.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>At least until the Fall (by law, new parliamentary elections in Moldova cannot be announced before the Summer of 2010), Vlad Filat and the speaker will be in power, as well as Acting President Mikhay Gimpu. And you have been left without any formal post &#8211; that is, with nothing. Does this suit you?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: I do not take quite such a mercantile approach to this question. The party is interested in real levers of influence and power. There are minuses as well as pluses in the fact that the leader of the party does not hold a systematic post.<\/p>\n<p>In the specific situation, the Democratic Party is included in the ruling allianc! e. We have a vice-premier, ministers, and representatives of the security bloc. That is, we have a sufficient set of instruments to influence the course of events within the country in the context of the foursome that rules the country today.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Will the alliance be retained now, or will it fall apart?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: Questions of strengthening or disintegration of the alliance least of all depended on the election or non-election of the president. The fundamental principle is the work itself, the organization, the effectiveness of the alliance, which established an entire series of principles of domestic and foreign policy at the time of its formation.<br \/>\nIf the alliance follows the principles of partnership, cooperation, and achieving a consensus, then it will live. But if all these mechanisms are weakened, if centrifugal tendencies are manifested and members of the alliance depart from the agreements not at the level of declarations, but by their actio! ns &#8211; then it will be different.<\/p>\n<p>The Democratic Party did not ins ist that our interest consists of holding some official position. The main thing is to promote our views and values. We are interested in where the country is going and how we are emerging from the crisis. We are ready to lend a shoulder, setting aside personal ambitions.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is, the presidential post was not a condition of creating the alliance for the Democratic Party?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: We understood perfectly well that, for the government and parliament, there is a necessary number of votes (a simple majority is needed to elect the speaker and premier &#8211; Gazeta.Ru). We are not naive people, and we, of course, saw that there was a risk that we would not get the necessary eight votes (3\/5 of the votes &#8211; that is 61 &#8211; are needed to elect the president).<\/p>\n<p>But a mighty impulse was coming from society. It saw the leader of the Democratic Party, and no one else, as the President of Moldova.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>You say that a departure from the established! priorities may split the alliance. But does it not seem to you that President Gimpu and Premier Filat are specifically violating these priorities by their statements?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: I cannot say that we like their declarations and statements very much, which they expressed even before &#8211; both in the plane of NATO, and in the plane of national identity. But at the same time, I will note that I reacted immediately and effectively to these declarations, reminding colleagues that, since we have decided to be a single whole, we must strictly follow this path. I cannot say that I do not have any qualms, but there is a difference between statements and actions. For example, they spoke about studying the history of the Rumanians instead of the history of Moldova. We said that, in any country, it is the history of that country that must be taught, no matter how complex the fate of that country might have been. Only in this way will we be able to raise our children in the spirit of pat! riotism and love for our country. In practice, our schools today teach a course in integrated history, which has been coordinated with the Council of Europe. As yet, no one has issued any instructions to revise these textbooks, and this would already be specific actions.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is if, for example, the history course is revised, you would immediately withdraw from the alliance?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: We are practical people, people of action, and therefore I realize that, since we have come to agreement on a collective partnership, I do not expect that any of the component parts of the coalition would independently make such a decision. We have agreed to discuss all decisions on foreign and domestic policy at the level of the four leaders.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>That is, Filat and Gimpu do not make such statements in personal discussions, but there are declarations for the voters?<\/p>\n<p><\/strong><\/em>Marian Lupu: I have no reason to expect that, in the nearest time, centrifugal tendencies will go into effect, or that each party will begin to promote its o! wn narrow party interests, although we cannot rule this out by 100 percent.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Your arrival to the Democratic Party raised its rating from 2 to 13 percent. If you say that there is an influx of people into the party going on today, then perhaps it is not advantageous for you to cooperate with the right-wingers. You might be able to get the votes by yourselves.<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: And who said that we have made the decision to go to the elections in a bloc with someone? This is a separate question, which is resolved at the level of the party buro. We have yet to hold such discussions and consultations about how we will go to the elections. We have not nailed down the specific format in which we will go to the elections.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>What is your position on the system of presidential elections? Does it need to be simplified?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: I follow the opinion of over 70 percent of our country&#8217;s citizens, to the effect that, considering our political crisi! s, the most optimal path would be direct presidential elections.<\/p>\n<p>We are talking about constitutional reform, and this is not only a change of the technical procedure of electing the president. This would also entail other principles of the Constitution regarding the functions of the head of state, parliament and the prime minister.<\/p>\n<p>Here, we must work calmly. We will have to decide which form of rule to choose &#8211; presidential, parliamentary or mixed. Constitutional reform must be developed by the next political cycle.<\/p>\n<p>But we must somehow resolve the problem already by next year. Who will say that, after the parliamentary elections of 2010, we will once again not find ourselves in a situation of political stalemate?<\/p>\n<p>We must find a short-term solution, so that after the next elections we do not have another crisis, which risks becoming chronic. I have repeatedly said that, if we are not able to elect a president on 7 December, we are in for hard times. It is entirely possible that there are no simple solutions in this situa! tion, and a multi-step system of decision-making will be needed.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>What kind?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: As a short-term measure, we must agree to constitutional amendments. The first and second rounds of the election of president in parliament would require 61 votes, and the third round would require only 52 votes.<\/p>\n<p>Such a variant would only require changing the technical procedure, without touching any of the functions of the branches of power.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>Today, power is in the hands of the alliance, and nothing hinders it from calmly managing the country. It turns out that the political crisis has been overcome?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: There are no legal problems, and in this sense you are absolutely right. But there are also other problems. Society is unhappy. It feels that the electoral process has not been concluded. De-facto, this leads to the fact that government statutes have assumed a temporary status. Furthermore, our foreign partners may also draw the! appropriate conclusions.<\/p>\n<p>Those who could have given us financial aid through loans and other forms of support of Moldova in a period of economic crisis.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>But you spoke with representatives of the Russian leadership. Did they reject the idea of giving Moldova a loan?<br \/>\n<\/strong><\/em><br \/>\nMarian Lupu: These negotiations were conducted along the government line, and therefore I do not possess all fullness of information. As yet, there is still a question mark here.<\/p>\n<p><em><strong>And did you feel the support of Russia, or did Moscow back Voronin, for old time&#8217;s sake?<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Marian Lupu: I felt this support. I highly appraised the correctness of Moscow. I think that our ideas about a strategic partnership with Russia, participation in the CIS, constant neutrality and inter-ethnic peace have found resonance in the Russian political elite.<\/p>\n<div class='heateorSssClear'><\/div><div  class='heateor_sss_sharing_container heateor_sss_horizontal_sharing' data-heateor-sss-href='https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldovas-post-election-developments-interview-with-marian-lupu-205002-eng\/' data-heateor-sss-no-counts=\"1\"><div class='heateor_sss_sharing_title' style=\"font-weight:bold\" ><\/div><div class=\"heateor_sss_sharing_ul\"><a aria-label=\"Facebook\" class=\"heateor_sss_facebook\" href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sharer\/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.moldova.org%2Fen%2Fmoldovas-post-election-developments-interview-with-marian-lupu-205002-eng%2F\" title=\"Facebook\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" target=\"_blank\" style=\"font-size:32px!important;box-shadow:none;display:inline-block;vertical-align:middle\"><span class=\"heateor_sss_svg\" 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