{"id":159862,"date":"2009-11-19T23:25:17","date_gmt":"2009-11-19T23:25:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2009\/11\/19\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/"},"modified":"2009-11-19T23:25:17","modified_gmt":"2009-11-19T23:25:17","slug":"zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

The new Moldovan authorities appear reluctant to deliver on their promise to resolve all border issues with Ukraine, a serious analytical weekly has written. The Moldovan authorities say that it is too early to make progress. However, they have made big strides in resolving issues with Romania. In dialogue with Ukraine they are sticking to the stance adopted by their communist predecessors. The following is the text of the article by Vitaliy Kulyk entitled "Ukraine-Moldova: relations with a backward glance at elections" published in the influential Ukrainian analytical newspaper Zerkalo Nedeli on 14 November. Subheadings have been inserted editorially: <\/em><\/p>\n

On 10 November an attempt to elect the president of Moldova failed once again. Chances that he will be elected in a month look fairly illusory so far; moreover so does the possibility of solving the basic contentious issues that have built up in Ukrainian-Moldovan relations.<\/p>\n

Following the visit by the Ukrainian delegation headed by Ukrainian President [Viktor] Yushchenko to the summit of heads of state of CIS members in Chisinau on 8-9 October this year, in the framework of which there were meetings with representatives of the new Moldovan power elite, rays of hope appeared in Kiev that Ukraine and Moldova would finally be able to overcome the whole burden of accumulated bilateral problems and focus on questions of European integration. The new leadership of Moldova so optimistically expressed the readiness once and for ever to solve the basic questions with its neighbours, that even experienced experts who have been working on the Moldovan direction for several years believed in the possibility of some miracle.<\/p>\n

During a conference of ambassadors held in the middle of October, Yushchenko posed three priority tasks to the Foreign Ministry headed by [Foreign Minister Petro] Poroshenko: in the shortest possible time to solve bilateral relations with Belarus and Moldova, and also speed up the process of signing an association agreement between Ukraine and the EU. And whereas none of the experts had any special optimism concerning the signing of a new Ukraine-EU agreement by the end of 2009, the possibility of a breakthrough in the Moldovan and Belarusian directions looked entirely realistic. The recent visit by Belarusian President [Alyaksandr] Lukashenka to Kiev was a clear confirmation of the fact that given the existence of political will of the sides, there are virtually no insoluble issues.<\/p>\n

Moldovan deeds belie soothing words <\/p>\n

Nonetheless, in the Moldovan direction everything turned out to be somewhat more complex. Despite the fact that during the meetings with Yushchenko the Moldovan leadership expressed the readiness to solve all the contentious issues with Ukraine as quickly as possible, things have not yet progressed beyond words. The Ukrainian experts who visited Chisinau in October to hold bilateral consultations came up against a clear hardening of the Moldovan position. After that, "heavier artillery" was launched: on 3-4 November the secretary of the NSDC [National Security and Defence Council], [Rayisa] Bohatyryova, held meetings in Chisinau with all the main representatives of the Moldovan power establishment. The Ukrainian delegation had brought along several alternative options for solving the basic bilateral problems, but none of the Moldovan leaders responded with specific procedures.<\/p>\n

We remind you that the key Ukrainian-Moldovan problems are questions of the demarcation of borders in the area of the buffer junction of the Dniester hydro-power station No 2, where part of the technological buildings of the station are located on the right bank of the [River] Dniester. In its turn, Moldova needs to gain an additional few hectares of the water surface of the River Danube to complete construction of the transport and energy complex in the population centre of Giurgiulesti.<\/p>\n

It is understood perfectly well in Kiev that the Moldovan international port of Giurgiulesti bodes no good either for Ukraine or for any other Danube state both on the level of ecology and in the area of ensuring shipping safety. Nevertheless, Ukraine is prepared to address this problem in a good-neighbourly way, taking account of the common course of our countries to European integration. In particular, some years ago Kiev expressed the readiness to go for a compromise over the problem of demarcation in the region of Giurgiulesti, if Chisinau goes for response concessions over the Dniester hydro-power station No 2.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, Kiev already has negative experience of a "package" solution of issues with the Moldovan side. To this day one of the most pergnicious questions is still the question of what specifically did Kiev receive from Chisinau in exchange for the fact that Ukraine made Moldova a maritime state. In the opinion of many experts, at that time Ukraine should have received ownership of a section of road in the area of the Palanka population centre, as was envisaged by documents ratified by the parliaments of the two countries. We will not argue about the degree of fairness of such an exchange, but merely say that the act for the right to use the land under the motor road in Palanka was not transferred to the Ukrainian side. Representatives of the Moldovan side like to joke sometimes, saying the road is yours but the land beneath it is ours.<\/p>\n

Moldova marking time in talks with Ukraine <\/p>\n

Now taught by experience, Ukrainian experts, before proposing a new "package" to Moldova, are demanding that it carry out pledges in the framework of previous accords. The new Moldovan authorities, as if nothing had happened, state that they are ready to hand over an act for the right to use the land under the section of the Reni-Izmayil motor road in the area of Palanka at the same time as Chisinau received additional territory on the body of water of Giurgiulesti port, and the question of the buffer junction of the Dniester hydropower station No 2 needs, they say, additional study. One gets the impression that Moldova yet again hopes "to sell" one and the same concession to Ukraine.<\/p>\n

Chisinau’s position with regard to demarcation of the central (Dniester region) sector of the Ukrainian-Moldovan border also remains unclear. Meanwhile, this question is one of the key ones for Moldova, both in the context of a speedy settlement of the Dniester region conflict and from the viewpoint of the lack of a juridical establishment of the border with Romania.<\/p>\n

For some time statements by the new Moldovan authorities that Chisinau had not yet had time to appoint officials responsible for the Ukrainian direction were accepted as arguments justifying the lack of progress in bilateral dialogue, but now it is somewhat alarming. Thus, for some reason the lack of a formed vertical power structure did not stop the new Moldovan leadership from making serious progress in relations with Romania.<\/p>\n

Moldovan-Romanian relations going well <\/p>\n

Over a period of some months Bucharest managed to gain permission from the new authorities in Moldova to open Romanian consulates in Balti and Cahul (the former team in power in Moldova, trying to restrain Romanian expansion, was categorically opposed to expanding the number of Romanian consulates) and also to open 13 polling stations in Moldova for the election of the Romanian president on 22 November 2009. Apart from that, a Moldovan-Romanian agreement was initialled on small border traffic, and it is expected to be signed as soon as 13 November this year.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, it must be noted that Chisinau is not yet displaying similar good gestures towards Kiev. In the lobbies the new Moldovan leaders are confirming in words their readiness to activate bilateral dialogue with Ukraine, but in fact are not retreating one iota from the orthodox positions that their predecessors, the communists, adhered to. This dissonance between words and genuine acts is explained in Chisinau by the complexity of the internal political situation and uncertainty over the elections of the Moldovan president.
\nThere is a risk that the new ruling coalition in Moldova will limit its foreign policy programme to establishing good-neighbourly relations with Romania and starting dialogue with the European Union concerning the signing of an association agreement. It may be that the new authorities in Moldova will not have enough resources, including time, to address problems with their second neighbour – Ukraine. It may be that this is why Chisinau so far is only pretending to want rapprochement with Kiev. The only thing that, it seems, is really worrying Moldova is to ensure that Kiev does not introduce a tougher regime for the entry of Moldovan citizens to Ukrainian territory (it is known that Moldova is a leader among countries supplying illegal immigrants to Ukraine).<\/p>\n

Without a shadow of doubt, questions of Moldovan foreign policy in the Ukrainian direction must be viewed taking consideration of the internal situation in that country. And in the Republic of Moldova it remains fairly ambiguous.
\nMoldova’s internal political difficulties <\/p>\n

Until a fully fledged president is elected in Moldova, it is too early to say that the majority alliance "For European integration" has completely managed to form a team of power in the country. After the failure of the voting for the candidacy of the Moldovan president, on 10 November the deputies in the Moldovan parliament within 30 days have a second attempt to elect the Moldovan head of state, otherwise the country can expect a fresh early election to parliament (tentatively in autumn next year).<\/p>\n

At the present stage the ruling coalition in Moldova is going through a rather tricky time. The candidate for the presidency and simultaneously the leader of the Democratic Party of Moldova, Marian Lupu, for several months now has been "in the shade" with an unclear prospect of election to that high post, since the alliance lacks eight additional votes in the Moldovan parliament. At one point fears arose that it was virtually only Marian Lupu who needed the election of a Moldovan president, while his other coalition partners – the parliament speaker Mihai Ghimpu, and the Moldovan prime minister, Vlad Filat – did not object to new parliamentary elections, since it would allow them to strengthen their party’s position.<\/p>\n

Certainly, even in the event of the latest non-election of a Moldovan president in December, the alliance can make use of the "window in legislation" allowing Mihai Ghimpu to carry on as acting head of the Moldovan state for another four years and not dissolve parliament. However, this sort of scenario of events cannot suit the extremely ambitious Marian Lupu, remaining without any post at all in the power hierarchy of the state.<\/p>\n

The majority of experts are not yet undertaking to predict the results of the presidential election in December this year, and moreover the prospect of the dissolution of the Moldovan parliament in summer next year remains entirely realistic. In these conditions each of the parties in the ruling coalition is acting according to the principle "prepare your sledge in summer and your cart in winter", starting quietly to work for a new election.
\nIn this way the spectre of a new election to the Moldovan parliament continues to dominate all members of the coalition and influence their moves, including in foreign policy. The new authorities in Moldova probably take as their starting point that any retreat from their orthodox positions in relations with Ukraine may be presented to their political opponents as a betrayal of national interests. Moreover, such opponents during a possible new election may turn out to be not only communists, but also today’s allies in the alliance.<\/p>\n

A bottleneck in the logic of Moldovan politicians my turn out to be the fact that the Ukrainian authorities will pay closer attention to questions of relations with Moldova in the near future, even in spite of the start of the presidential election campaign in Ukraine itself.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>The new Moldovan authorities appear reluctant to deliver on their promise to resolve all border issues with Ukraine, a serious analytical weekly has written. The Moldovan authorities say that it is too early to make progress. However, they have made big strides in resolving issues with Romania. In dialogue with Ukraine they are sticking to the stance adopted by their communist predecessors. The following is the text of the article by Vitaliy Kulyk entitled Ukraine-Moldova: relations with a backward glance at elections published in the influential Ukrainian analytical newspaper Zerkalo Nedeli on 14 November. Subheadings have been inserted editorially:<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-159862","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 7<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

The new Moldovan authorities appear reluctant to deliver on their promise to resolve all border issues with Ukraine, a serious analytical weekly has written. The Moldovan authorities say that it is too early to make progress. However, they have made big strides in resolving issues with Romania. In dialogue with Ukraine they are sticking to the stance adopted by their communist predecessors. The following is the text of the article by Vitaliy Kulyk entitled "Ukraine-Moldova: relations with a backward glance at elections" published in the influential Ukrainian analytical newspaper Zerkalo Nedeli on 14 November. Subheadings have been inserted editorially: <\/em><\/p>\n

On 10 November an attempt to elect the president of Moldova failed once again. Chances that he will be elected in a month look fairly illusory so far; moreover so does the possibility of solving the basic contentious issues that have built up in Ukrainian-Moldovan relations.<\/p>\n

Following the visit by the Ukrainian delegation headed by Ukrainian President [Viktor] Yushchenko to the summit of heads of state of CIS members in Chisinau on 8-9 October this year, in the framework of which there were meetings with representatives of the new Moldovan power elite, rays of hope appeared in Kiev that Ukraine and Moldova would finally be able to overcome the whole burden of accumulated bilateral problems and focus on questions of European integration. The new leadership of Moldova so optimistically expressed the readiness once and for ever to solve the basic questions with its neighbours, that even experienced experts who have been working on the Moldovan direction for several years believed in the possibility of some miracle.<\/p>\n

During a conference of ambassadors held in the middle of October, Yushchenko posed three priority tasks to the Foreign Ministry headed by [Foreign Minister Petro] Poroshenko: in the shortest possible time to solve bilateral relations with Belarus and Moldova, and also speed up the process of signing an association agreement between Ukraine and the EU. And whereas none of the experts had any special optimism concerning the signing of a new Ukraine-EU agreement by the end of 2009, the possibility of a breakthrough in the Moldovan and Belarusian directions looked entirely realistic. The recent visit by Belarusian President [Alyaksandr] Lukashenka to Kiev was a clear confirmation of the fact that given the existence of political will of the sides, there are virtually no insoluble issues.<\/p>\n

Moldovan deeds belie soothing words <\/p>\n

Nonetheless, in the Moldovan direction everything turned out to be somewhat more complex. Despite the fact that during the meetings with Yushchenko the Moldovan leadership expressed the readiness to solve all the contentious issues with Ukraine as quickly as possible, things have not yet progressed beyond words. The Ukrainian experts who visited Chisinau in October to hold bilateral consultations came up against a clear hardening of the Moldovan position. After that, "heavier artillery" was launched: on 3-4 November the secretary of the NSDC [National Security and Defence Council], [Rayisa] Bohatyryova, held meetings in Chisinau with all the main representatives of the Moldovan power establishment. The Ukrainian delegation had brought along several alternative options for solving the basic bilateral problems, but none of the Moldovan leaders responded with specific procedures.<\/p>\n

We remind you that the key Ukrainian-Moldovan problems are questions of the demarcation of borders in the area of the buffer junction of the Dniester hydro-power station No 2, where part of the technological buildings of the station are located on the right bank of the [River] Dniester. In its turn, Moldova needs to gain an additional few hectares of the water surface of the River Danube to complete construction of the transport and energy complex in the population centre of Giurgiulesti.<\/p>\n

It is understood perfectly well in Kiev that the Moldovan international port of Giurgiulesti bodes no good either for Ukraine or for any other Danube state both on the level of ecology and in the area of ensuring shipping safety. Nevertheless, Ukraine is prepared to address this problem in a good-neighbourly way, taking account of the common course of our countries to European integration. In particular, some years ago Kiev expressed the readiness to go for a compromise over the problem of demarcation in the region of Giurgiulesti, if Chisinau goes for response concessions over the Dniester hydro-power station No 2.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, Kiev already has negative experience of a "package" solution of issues with the Moldovan side. To this day one of the most pergnicious questions is still the question of what specifically did Kiev receive from Chisinau in exchange for the fact that Ukraine made Moldova a maritime state. In the opinion of many experts, at that time Ukraine should have received ownership of a section of road in the area of the Palanka population centre, as was envisaged by documents ratified by the parliaments of the two countries. We will not argue about the degree of fairness of such an exchange, but merely say that the act for the right to use the land under the motor road in Palanka was not transferred to the Ukrainian side. Representatives of the Moldovan side like to joke sometimes, saying the road is yours but the land beneath it is ours.<\/p>\n

Moldova marking time in talks with Ukraine <\/p>\n

Now taught by experience, Ukrainian experts, before proposing a new "package" to Moldova, are demanding that it carry out pledges in the framework of previous accords. The new Moldovan authorities, as if nothing had happened, state that they are ready to hand over an act for the right to use the land under the section of the Reni-Izmayil motor road in the area of Palanka at the same time as Chisinau received additional territory on the body of water of Giurgiulesti port, and the question of the buffer junction of the Dniester hydropower station No 2 needs, they say, additional study. One gets the impression that Moldova yet again hopes "to sell" one and the same concession to Ukraine.<\/p>\n

Chisinau’s position with regard to demarcation of the central (Dniester region) sector of the Ukrainian-Moldovan border also remains unclear. Meanwhile, this question is one of the key ones for Moldova, both in the context of a speedy settlement of the Dniester region conflict and from the viewpoint of the lack of a juridical establishment of the border with Romania.<\/p>\n

For some time statements by the new Moldovan authorities that Chisinau had not yet had time to appoint officials responsible for the Ukrainian direction were accepted as arguments justifying the lack of progress in bilateral dialogue, but now it is somewhat alarming. Thus, for some reason the lack of a formed vertical power structure did not stop the new Moldovan leadership from making serious progress in relations with Romania.<\/p>\n

Moldovan-Romanian relations going well <\/p>\n

Over a period of some months Bucharest managed to gain permission from the new authorities in Moldova to open Romanian consulates in Balti and Cahul (the former team in power in Moldova, trying to restrain Romanian expansion, was categorically opposed to expanding the number of Romanian consulates) and also to open 13 polling stations in Moldova for the election of the Romanian president on 22 November 2009. Apart from that, a Moldovan-Romanian agreement was initialled on small border traffic, and it is expected to be signed as soon as 13 November this year.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, it must be noted that Chisinau is not yet displaying similar good gestures towards Kiev. In the lobbies the new Moldovan leaders are confirming in words their readiness to activate bilateral dialogue with Ukraine, but in fact are not retreating one iota from the orthodox positions that their predecessors, the communists, adhered to. This dissonance between words and genuine acts is explained in Chisinau by the complexity of the internal political situation and uncertainty over the elections of the Moldovan president.
\nThere is a risk that the new ruling coalition in Moldova will limit its foreign policy programme to establishing good-neighbourly relations with Romania and starting dialogue with the European Union concerning the signing of an association agreement. It may be that the new authorities in Moldova will not have enough resources, including time, to address problems with their second neighbour – Ukraine. It may be that this is why Chisinau so far is only pretending to want rapprochement with Kiev. The only thing that, it seems, is really worrying Moldova is to ensure that Kiev does not introduce a tougher regime for the entry of Moldovan citizens to Ukrainian territory (it is known that Moldova is a leader among countries supplying illegal immigrants to Ukraine).<\/p>\n

Without a shadow of doubt, questions of Moldovan foreign policy in the Ukrainian direction must be viewed taking consideration of the internal situation in that country. And in the Republic of Moldova it remains fairly ambiguous.
\nMoldova’s internal political difficulties <\/p>\n

Until a fully fledged president is elected in Moldova, it is too early to say that the majority alliance "For European integration" has completely managed to form a team of power in the country. After the failure of the voting for the candidacy of the Moldovan president, on 10 November the deputies in the Moldovan parliament within 30 days have a second attempt to elect the Moldovan head of state, otherwise the country can expect a fresh early election to parliament (tentatively in autumn next year).<\/p>\n

At the present stage the ruling coalition in Moldova is going through a rather tricky time. The candidate for the presidency and simultaneously the leader of the Democratic Party of Moldova, Marian Lupu, for several months now has been "in the shade" with an unclear prospect of election to that high post, since the alliance lacks eight additional votes in the Moldovan parliament. At one point fears arose that it was virtually only Marian Lupu who needed the election of a Moldovan president, while his other coalition partners – the parliament speaker Mihai Ghimpu, and the Moldovan prime minister, Vlad Filat – did not object to new parliamentary elections, since it would allow them to strengthen their party’s position.<\/p>\n

Certainly, even in the event of the latest non-election of a Moldovan president in December, the alliance can make use of the "window in legislation" allowing Mihai Ghimpu to carry on as acting head of the Moldovan state for another four years and not dissolve parliament. However, this sort of scenario of events cannot suit the extremely ambitious Marian Lupu, remaining without any post at all in the power hierarchy of the state.<\/p>\n

The majority of experts are not yet undertaking to predict the results of the presidential election in December this year, and moreover the prospect of the dissolution of the Moldovan parliament in summer next year remains entirely realistic. In these conditions each of the parties in the ruling coalition is acting according to the principle "prepare your sledge in summer and your cart in winter", starting quietly to work for a new election.
\nIn this way the spectre of a new election to the Moldovan parliament continues to dominate all members of the coalition and influence their moves, including in foreign policy. The new authorities in Moldova probably take as their starting point that any retreat from their orthodox positions in relations with Ukraine may be presented to their political opponents as a betrayal of national interests. Moreover, such opponents during a possible new election may turn out to be not only communists, but also today’s allies in the alliance.<\/p>\n

A bottleneck in the logic of Moldovan politicians my turn out to be the fact that the Ukrainian authorities will pay closer attention to questions of relations with Moldova in the near future, even in spite of the start of the presidential election campaign in Ukraine itself.<\/p>\n

<\/div>
<\/div>
<\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/path><\/svg><\/span><\/a><\/div>
<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>","yoast_head":"\nZerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine - Moldova.org<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Autor invitat\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Estimated reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"10 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Autor invitat\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd\"},\"headline\":\"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine\",\"datePublished\":\"2009-11-19T23:25:17+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1954,\"commentCount\":0,\"articleSection\":[\"Politics\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/\",\"name\":\"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine - Moldova.org\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2009-11-19T23:25:17+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/\",\"name\":\"Moldova.org\",\"description\":\"The first news website of Moldova\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd\",\"name\":\"Autor invitat\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Autor invitat\"},\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.moldova.org\\\/en\\\/author\\\/admin\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine - Moldova.org","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Autor invitat","Estimated reading time":"10 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/"},"author":{"name":"Autor invitat","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd"},"headline":"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine","datePublished":"2009-11-19T23:25:17+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/"},"wordCount":1954,"commentCount":0,"articleSection":["Politics"],"inLanguage":"en-GB","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/","name":"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine - Moldova.org","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website"},"datePublished":"2009-11-19T23:25:17+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-GB","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/zerkalo-moldova-reluctant-to-resolve-border-issues-with-ukraine-204512-eng\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Zerkalo: Moldova reluctant to resolve border issues with Ukraine"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/","name":"Moldova.org","description":"The first news website of Moldova","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/e590ccdfbd35fcd038aaf1b84370dadd","name":"Autor invitat","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/f57d391b1fe13609c1c398a550a7b6f0e8babe6cd537d48bbeb806ba55c53094?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Autor invitat"},"url":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/author\/admin\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159862","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=159862"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159862\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=159862"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=159862"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=159862"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}