{"id":158211,"date":"2009-06-23T23:16:26","date_gmt":"2009-06-23T23:16:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2009\/06\/23\/handbook-for-a-heist-pre-election-maneuvers-in-moldova-201821-eng\/"},"modified":"2009-06-23T23:16:26","modified_gmt":"2009-06-23T23:16:26","slug":"handbook-for-a-heist-pre-election-maneuvers-in-moldova-201821-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/handbook-for-a-heist-pre-election-maneuvers-in-moldova-201821-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Handbook for a Heist: Pre-election Maneuvers in Moldova"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

By Louis O’Neill<\/em><\/p>\n

The Republic of Moldova is a wonderland of political machination and cabal, where centuries of Ottoman, Russian, Romanian, Soviet and once again Russian domination have taught people a little something about court intrigue, corruption and self-preservation. The country willingly elected a Communist government in 2001 and now that group’s maximum leader, Vladimir Voronin, is loathe to leave power after his second and final constitutionally permitted term as president. Questionable voter lists for April’s parliamentary elections led to Twitter-driven street protests that mysteriously turned violent, resulting in a burned-out parliament and gutted president’s office.<\/p>\n

But Moldova’s incumbent Communists, even with their control of the media, extensive use of administrative resources and alleged support by tens of thousands of loyal, but possibly dead, voters nonetheless failed to muster the super-majority of seats in parliament needed to elect a president. The three opposition parties held their ground, forcing dissolution of parliament and new elections. Now the Communists are playing serious hardball while, rapid-fire, changing all the rules to favor their team. Here’s a ten-step recipe for staying on top, courtesy of the last freely elected Communist Party in the world. <\/p>\n

1. Neutralize young voters. <\/strong> Call snap elections in the dead of summer when many of your opponents’ young and passionate supporters are away from the universities (no critical mass for protests) or, like so many Moldovans, are working abroad (yearly remittances equal roughly one-third of Moldovan GDP). Do-over elections are now scheduled for July 29. <\/p>\n

2. Leave the “dead souls” in peace. <\/strong>Make sure the vote takes place as soon as possible – even by somehow “interpreting” down the required 45-day waiting period following dissolution of parliament – to prevent those pesky voter lists with the “dead souls” from being verified in time. <\/p>\n

3. Use smoke and mirrors. <\/strong> Make a big show of promising to check the lists and provide training, while in fact sending impossible deadlines and unfunded instructions to local leaders, essentially requiring them to conduct a mini-census in less than a month. Perhaps with a wink and a nod, intimate to the many Communist mayors under your control to take it easy. <\/p>\n

4. Try to pull a fast one. <\/strong>Break with all precedent in your country to hold elections on a weekday. While some countries do just fine with elections on, say, Tuesday, polls in Moldova have always been on Sunday and have always had an air of holiday, with food and music and a relaxed pace at local polling places. When people complain loudly, decree election day a day off – but require citizens to work on a future Saturday to make up for it. <\/p>\n

5. Complicate overseas voting.<\/strong> In April’s election, 91% of ex-pat voters supported the opposition. While repeat-election day may now be a free day at home, it remains a workday for the hundreds of thousands of Moldovans toiling abroad. They can only vote in Moldovan embassies (no absentee ballots by mail) which are not present in all countries. Create chaos at voting places before and after work, and prevent voters from traveling long distances – as they could and did in April with a Sunday vote – to express their will. <\/p>\n

6. Anything goes. <\/strong> Lower the participation threshold for a valid election from 1\/2 of registered voters down to 1\/3 for the first round and from 1\/3 to no minimum at all for the second round, so that even one vote cast will make it official. All the while knowing that your supporters – the older, the rural, those working the land – will be around to vote this summer. <\/p>\n

7. Introduce Trojan horses.<\/strong> Make it easier for other allied or virtual opposition parties to enter parliament, by lowering that threshold from 6% of the vote to 5%. Last time, several Communist-friendly parties just barely missed the mark. Had they entered parliament they would have bled off votes from the opposition and formed a super-majority coalition with the Communists. <\/p>\n

8. Slander your opponents. <\/strong>Use state-controlled media, the only ones to reach your entire, rural population, to discredit the opposition and lay blame on it for the violence and marauding that followed the last election. Do this by, for example, diffusing a film, “Attack on Moldova,” that cuts and pastes out-of-context wiretapped snippets – of questionable legality – which make it look like the young reformist mayor of your capital city, together with other opposition leaders, ordered up the post-electoral violence. <\/p>\n

9. Sic the prosecutor on your opponents.<\/strong> While you are at it, open a criminal investigation and question that same mayor as a suspect responsible for the April mayhem. When your first interrogation yields nothing, call him in a week later for a second round, hinting at charges of “usurpation of power.” <\/p>\n

10. Pour old wine in new skins.<\/strong> Appoint your reviled former coalition partner as deputy prime minister, affording him the administrative resources and high-profile exposure that come with the post in a last-ditch attempt to shoe-horn his party into parliament and a renewed alliance with you. <\/p>\n

And as a bonus: <\/p>\n

11. Be Head of State and Head of Parliament simultaneously.<\/strong> Exploit conflicting laws and interim status to run both the executive and legislature. Controlling two branches of government and strongly influencing the third will make orchestrating and executing steps one through 10 much easier. <\/p>\n

Voronin and his Communist Party have managed to get all this done even before the formal election campaign has started, and there’s little doubt they’ve kept some moves in reserve. If international monitors are serious about observing Moldova’s July elections, they had better jump through the looking-glass and open their eyes.<\/p>\n

—
\nLouis O’Neill was the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Ambassador and Head of Mission to Moldova from 2006 to 2008.<\/em><\/p>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>The Republic of Moldova is a wonderland of political machination and cabal, where centuries of Ottoman, Russian, Romanian, Soviet and once again Russian domination have taught people a little something about court intrigue, corruption and self-preservation.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":158208,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-158211","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

By Louis O’Neill<\/em><\/p>\n

The Republic of Moldova is a wonderland of political machination and cabal, where centuries of Ottoman, Russian, Romanian, Soviet and once again Russian domination have taught people a little something about court intrigue, corruption and self-preservation. The country willingly elected a Communist government in 2001 and now that group’s maximum leader, Vladimir Voronin, is loathe to leave power after his second and final constitutionally permitted term as president. Questionable voter lists for April’s parliamentary elections led to Twitter-driven street protests that mysteriously turned violent, resulting in a burned-out parliament and gutted president’s office.<\/p>\n

But Moldova’s incumbent Communists, even with their control of the media, extensive use of administrative resources and alleged support by tens of thousands of loyal, but possibly dead, voters nonetheless failed to muster the super-majority of seats in parliament needed to elect a president. The three opposition parties held their ground, forcing dissolution of parliament and new elections. Now the Communists are playing serious hardball while, rapid-fire, changing all the rules to favor their team. Here’s a ten-step recipe for staying on top, courtesy of the last freely elected Communist Party in the world. <\/p>\n

1. Neutralize young voters. <\/strong> Call snap elections in the dead of summer when many of your opponents’ young and passionate supporters are away from the universities (no critical mass for protests) or, like so many Moldovans, are working abroad (yearly remittances equal roughly one-third of Moldovan GDP). Do-over elections are now scheduled for July 29. <\/p>\n

2. Leave the “dead souls” in peace. <\/strong>Make sure the vote takes place as soon as possible – even by somehow “interpreting” down the required 45-day waiting period following dissolution of parliament – to prevent those pesky voter lists with the “dead souls” from being verified in time. <\/p>\n

3. Use smoke and mirrors. <\/strong> Make a big show of promising to check the lists and provide training, while in fact sending impossible deadlines and unfunded instructions to local leaders, essentially requiring them to conduct a mini-census in less than a month. Perhaps with a wink and a nod, intimate to the many Communist mayors under your control to take it easy. <\/p>\n

4. Try to pull a fast one. <\/strong>Break with all precedent in your country to hold elections on a weekday. While some countries do just fine with elections on, say, Tuesday, polls in Moldova have always been on Sunday and have always had an air of holiday, with food and music and a relaxed pace at local polling places. When people complain loudly, decree election day a day off – but require citizens to work on a future Saturday to make up for it. <\/p>\n

5. Complicate overseas voting.<\/strong> In April’s election, 91% of ex-pat voters supported the opposition. While repeat-election day may now be a free day at home, it remains a workday for the hundreds of thousands of Moldovans toiling abroad. They can only vote in Moldovan embassies (no absentee ballots by mail) which are not present in all countries. Create chaos at voting places before and after work, and prevent voters from traveling long distances – as they could and did in April with a Sunday vote – to express their will. <\/p>\n

6. Anything goes. <\/strong> Lower the participation threshold for a valid election from 1\/2 of registered voters down to 1\/3 for the first round and from 1\/3 to no minimum at all for the second round, so that even one vote cast will make it official. All the while knowing that your supporters – the older, the rural, those working the land – will be around to vote this summer. <\/p>\n

7. Introduce Trojan horses.<\/strong> Make it easier for other allied or virtual opposition parties to enter parliament, by lowering that threshold from 6% of the vote to 5%. Last time, several Communist-friendly parties just barely missed the mark. Had they entered parliament they would have bled off votes from the opposition and formed a super-majority coalition with the Communists. <\/p>\n

8. Slander your opponents. <\/strong>Use state-controlled media, the only ones to reach your entire, rural population, to discredit the opposition and lay blame on it for the violence and marauding that followed the last election. Do this by, for example, diffusing a film, “Attack on Moldova,” that cuts and pastes out-of-context wiretapped snippets – of questionable legality – which make it look like the young reformist mayor of your capital city, together with other opposition leaders, ordered up the post-electoral violence. <\/p>\n

9. Sic the prosecutor on your opponents.<\/strong> While you are at it, open a criminal investigation and question that same mayor as a suspect responsible for the April mayhem. When your first interrogation yields nothing, call him in a week later for a second round, hinting at charges of “usurpation of power.” <\/p>\n

10. Pour old wine in new skins.<\/strong> Appoint your reviled former coalition partner as deputy prime minister, affording him the administrative resources and high-profile exposure that come with the post in a last-ditch attempt to shoe-horn his party into parliament and a renewed alliance with you. <\/p>\n

And as a bonus: <\/p>\n

11. Be Head of State and Head of Parliament simultaneously.<\/strong> Exploit conflicting laws and interim status to run both the executive and legislature. Controlling two branches of government and strongly influencing the third will make orchestrating and executing steps one through 10 much easier. <\/p>\n

Voronin and his Communist Party have managed to get all this done even before the formal election campaign has started, and there’s little doubt they’ve kept some moves in reserve. If international monitors are serious about observing Moldova’s July elections, they had better jump through the looking-glass and open their eyes.<\/p>\n

—
\nLouis O’Neill was the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Ambassador and Head of Mission to Moldova from 2006 to 2008.<\/em><\/p>\n\n

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