{"id":102909,"date":"2006-12-29T08:49:00","date_gmt":"2006-12-29T08:49:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2006\/12\/29\/moldovan-foreign-policy-should-not-be-decided-by-transnistria-22572-eng\/"},"modified":"2006-12-29T08:49:00","modified_gmt":"2006-12-29T08:49:00","slug":"moldovan-foreign-policy-should-not-be-decided-by-transnistria-22572-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/moldovan-foreign-policy-should-not-be-decided-by-transnistria-22572-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Moldovan Foreign Policy Should not be Decided by Transnistria"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Author Nicu Popescu<\/p>\n

It is somehow paradoxical, but the truth is that starting with the declaration of its independence, Moldova’s foreign policy has not been architected neither by Mircea Snegur, nor Petru Lucinschi, nor Vladimir Voronin, but by Igor Smirnov. Throughout all these fifteen years, Transnistria was and remains the central element in major decisions taken by Moldova. If Moldova wants to remain independent and to become a full-fledged and prosperous European state, this should be changed. <\/p>\n

The list of strategic oscillations of Moldova, inspired by the Transnistrian problem, is a long one. Adherence to the CIS, Moldovan Neutrality and the unwillingness to become a NATO member. Endless ambiguities in the relations with Ukraine and Romania. More recently, the rapprochement between Moldova and Russia in 2001-2003 was also caused mostly by the Transnistrian problem. Later on, the Euro-enthusiasm proclaimed by Chisinau, following the debacle over the Kozak Memorandum in November 2003, was also caused by the Transnistrian problem. The entire closeness between Moldova and EU, from 2003 till 2006, was based, to a large extent, on the hope that EU would resolve the Transnistrian conflict, and not on the desire to undertake the necessary reforms and democratize the country. The tensions with Russia over the 2006 also stem from the Transnistrian factor. The sudden rediscovery of the merits of a strategic partnership with Russia at the end of 2006, embarking on the course towards Kozak Memorandum 2, the surprising flexibility regarding the Russian military presence shown by Chisinau at the Brussels OSCE Ministerial meeting in December also came from the Transnistrian obsession. Perhaps, in 3 or 5 years, Moldova, once again, will try to distance itself from Russia because Moscow will behave with Moldova like it behaves today with Belarus. This type of oscillations could last for 20 years, but each time Moldovan leeway narrows and, finally, this lack of foreign strategic orientation of Moldova, sooner or later, will lead to the collapse of the Moldovan project of independence. Moldova has already become one of the most isolated states in Europe. Relations with absolutely all important foreign strategic partners are very ambiguous and not at all sincere. <\/p>\n

At the internal level, any opinion poll from Chisinau shows that the Transnistrian problem is hardly situated on the 8th or 9th place among the priority concerns of Moldova citizens. But the political elites persist in their obsession with Transnistria. The most discussed issue by Moldovan newspapers and TV channels, NGOs and political parties, ministries and departments, conferences and research projects is Transnistria. Corruption, unemployment, economic problems, investment environment, lack of security, corrupted or politically influenced trials, abuses of police and bureaucracy, the incapacity of the government to implement the EU-Moldova Action Plan etc. occupy a much smaller place in the public debate then the Transnistrian problem. This is a very convenient thing for the Government. With a tough word mentioned against Smirnov, our governance can calm down the entire civil sector and the political opposition for many days to come. <\/p>\n

It is time for the Republic of Moldova to emancipate from Transnistria both in domestic and foreign policy. In a way, Moldova should declare its independence from the Transnistrian problem and stop defining its foreign policy through the prism of the Transnistrian problem. Not Igor Smirnov should define the foreign policy of Moldova. <\/p>\n

The EU Takes a Closer View Towards Moldova<\/strong>
\nThe solution is that Moldova should concentrate on its domestic priorities of European integration, without declarations against or in flavor of the European Union, Russia, Ukraine or Romania. It is necessary that the entire political attention be concentrated on the implementation of the EU-Moldova Action Plan. After a period of relative political passivity, EU’s policy towards Moldova starts getting a more serious contour. From 2007, Brussels announced the doubling of its assistance for Chisinau. In this way, Moldova becomes the second largest recipient per capita of financial support in the EU neighborhood. From 2007, the number of the students’ scholarships for Moldova and other EU neighboring countries will increase radically. Moreover, the EU put aside 1 billion euro, which will be distributed to the reforms leaders’ countries from the EU neighborhood. If Moldova speeds up its reforms process, the EU support, including the financial one, will increase. The discussion between Moldova and EU regarding visa and commercial issues are in an advanced phase. And the recent donor conference promised Moldova, for the next three years, more funds than Moldova got from 1992 till 2006. The impact of these measures won’t be immediate, but Moldova can achieve substantial successes. For example, from 2001 till 2005 Moldova-EU commercial relations knew the highest level of growth among all the South-East European states, except Romania and Bulgaria. The Moldovan commercial links with EU increased with 51%, Serbian with 50%, Albanian with 23% and Macedonian with 9%. This is a proof that positive effects could be achieved if we work seriously. <\/p>\n

Psychological Dependency on the Transnistrian Problem should be Tackled<\/strong>
\nThe Transnistrian problem will not be abandoned. By the contrary, the support for projects aimed at the region’s civil society should be enhanced. The EUBAM will continue its activity. Transnistrian companies registered in Chisinau will get used with new rules of the game and with their growing access perspectives to the EU market. Anyway, Chisinau should understand that the Transnistrian problem cannot be resolved by a simple cavalry attack. These kinds of short run assaults – from the Memorandum Kozak 1 or even 2, to the “new customs regime” or the change of the negotiations format – cannot change the substance of the Transnistrian situation. A long term engagement is needed, to Europeanize and to reintegrate Moldova. <\/p>\n

It is high time for Moldova to concentrate on its own economic and political problems. By resolving these problems, Moldova will bring closer the moment of the country’s reunification. Only a Moldova dressed in a prosperous and democratic European style has the chance to win the Transnistrian bet. The necessary preparations for Moldova are well described in the Action Plan. Even if the EU has many students, it is by far the best possible trainer. The psychological dependency on the Transnistrian problem should be resolved. The actual Government of the Republic of Moldova and the one after 2008 have all chances to become the architects of a European Moldova, whose policy is decided in Chisinau and not in Tiraspol. — Nicu Popescu, Research Fellow, Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels. Translated from Romanian by APE (G.S.). \/\/ Flux<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Moldovan Foreign Policy Should not be Decided by Transnistria<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-102909","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 4<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

Author Nicu Popescu<\/p>\n

It is somehow paradoxical, but the truth is that starting with the declaration of its independence, Moldova’s foreign policy has not been architected neither by Mircea Snegur, nor Petru Lucinschi, nor Vladimir Voronin, but by Igor Smirnov. Throughout all these fifteen years, Transnistria was and remains the central element in major decisions taken by Moldova. If Moldova wants to remain independent and to become a full-fledged and prosperous European state, this should be changed. <\/p>\n

The list of strategic oscillations of Moldova, inspired by the Transnistrian problem, is a long one. Adherence to the CIS, Moldovan Neutrality and the unwillingness to become a NATO member. Endless ambiguities in the relations with Ukraine and Romania. More recently, the rapprochement between Moldova and Russia in 2001-2003 was also caused mostly by the Transnistrian problem. Later on, the Euro-enthusiasm proclaimed by Chisinau, following the debacle over the Kozak Memorandum in November 2003, was also caused by the Transnistrian problem. The entire closeness between Moldova and EU, from 2003 till 2006, was based, to a large extent, on the hope that EU would resolve the Transnistrian conflict, and not on the desire to undertake the necessary reforms and democratize the country. The tensions with Russia over the 2006 also stem from the Transnistrian factor. The sudden rediscovery of the merits of a strategic partnership with Russia at the end of 2006, embarking on the course towards Kozak Memorandum 2, the surprising flexibility regarding the Russian military presence shown by Chisinau at the Brussels OSCE Ministerial meeting in December also came from the Transnistrian obsession. Perhaps, in 3 or 5 years, Moldova, once again, will try to distance itself from Russia because Moscow will behave with Moldova like it behaves today with Belarus. This type of oscillations could last for 20 years, but each time Moldovan leeway narrows and, finally, this lack of foreign strategic orientation of Moldova, sooner or later, will lead to the collapse of the Moldovan project of independence. Moldova has already become one of the most isolated states in Europe. Relations with absolutely all important foreign strategic partners are very ambiguous and not at all sincere. <\/p>\n

At the internal level, any opinion poll from Chisinau shows that the Transnistrian problem is hardly situated on the 8th or 9th place among the priority concerns of Moldova citizens. But the political elites persist in their obsession with Transnistria. The most discussed issue by Moldovan newspapers and TV channels, NGOs and political parties, ministries and departments, conferences and research projects is Transnistria. Corruption, unemployment, economic problems, investment environment, lack of security, corrupted or politically influenced trials, abuses of police and bureaucracy, the incapacity of the government to implement the EU-Moldova Action Plan etc. occupy a much smaller place in the public debate then the Transnistrian problem. This is a very convenient thing for the Government. With a tough word mentioned against Smirnov, our governance can calm down the entire civil sector and the political opposition for many days to come. <\/p>\n

It is time for the Republic of Moldova to emancipate from Transnistria both in domestic and foreign policy. In a way, Moldova should declare its independence from the Transnistrian problem and stop defining its foreign policy through the prism of the Transnistrian problem. Not Igor Smirnov should define the foreign policy of Moldova. <\/p>\n

The EU Takes a Closer View Towards Moldova<\/strong>
\nThe solution is that Moldova should concentrate on its domestic priorities of European integration, without declarations against or in flavor of the European Union, Russia, Ukraine or Romania. It is necessary that the entire political attention be concentrated on the implementation of the EU-Moldova Action Plan. After a period of relative political passivity, EU’s policy towards Moldova starts getting a more serious contour. From 2007, Brussels announced the doubling of its assistance for Chisinau. In this way, Moldova becomes the second largest recipient per capita of financial support in the EU neighborhood. From 2007, the number of the students’ scholarships for Moldova and other EU neighboring countries will increase radically. Moreover, the EU put aside 1 billion euro, which will be distributed to the reforms leaders’ countries from the EU neighborhood. If Moldova speeds up its reforms process, the EU support, including the financial one, will increase. The discussion between Moldova and EU regarding visa and commercial issues are in an advanced phase. And the recent donor conference promised Moldova, for the next three years, more funds than Moldova got from 1992 till 2006. The impact of these measures won’t be immediate, but Moldova can achieve substantial successes. For example, from 2001 till 2005 Moldova-EU commercial relations knew the highest level of growth among all the South-East European states, except Romania and Bulgaria. The Moldovan commercial links with EU increased with 51%, Serbian with 50%, Albanian with 23% and Macedonian with 9%. This is a proof that positive effects could be achieved if we work seriously. <\/p>\n

Psychological Dependency on the Transnistrian Problem should be Tackled<\/strong>
\nThe Transnistrian problem will not be abandoned. By the contrary, the support for projects aimed at the region’s civil society should be enhanced. The EUBAM will continue its activity. Transnistrian companies registered in Chisinau will get used with new rules of the game and with their growing access perspectives to the EU market. Anyway, Chisinau should understand that the Transnistrian problem cannot be resolved by a simple cavalry attack. These kinds of short run assaults – from the Memorandum Kozak 1 or even 2, to the “new customs regime” or the change of the negotiations format – cannot change the substance of the Transnistrian situation. A long term engagement is needed, to Europeanize and to reintegrate Moldova. <\/p>\n

It is high time for Moldova to concentrate on its own economic and political problems. By resolving these problems, Moldova will bring closer the moment of the country’s reunification. Only a Moldova dressed in a prosperous and democratic European style has the chance to win the Transnistrian bet. The necessary preparations for Moldova are well described in the Action Plan. Even if the EU has many students, it is by far the best possible trainer. The psychological dependency on the Transnistrian problem should be resolved. The actual Government of the Republic of Moldova and the one after 2008 have all chances to become the architects of a European Moldova, whose policy is decided in Chisinau and not in Tiraspol. — Nicu Popescu, Research Fellow, Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels. Translated from Romanian by APE (G.S.). \/\/ Flux<\/p>\n

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