{"id":100745,"date":"2006-03-24T18:36:00","date_gmt":"2006-03-24T18:36:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/new.moldova.org\/2006\/03\/24\/former-american-ambassador-the-new-ukraine-moldova-customs-regime-is-not-a-blockade-11453-eng\/"},"modified":"2006-03-24T18:36:00","modified_gmt":"2006-03-24T18:36:00","slug":"former-american-ambassador-the-new-ukraine-moldova-customs-regime-is-not-a-blockade-11453-eng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.moldova.org\/en\/former-american-ambassador-the-new-ukraine-moldova-customs-regime-is-not-a-blockade-11453-eng\/","title":{"rendered":"Former American ambassador: the new Ukraine-Moldova customs regime is not a blockade"},"content":{"rendered":"Reading Time: <\/span> 3<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

\nThe Washington Profile’s interview with John Todd Stewart, former U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova, 1995-1998 <\/p>\n

March 23, 2006<\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>What do you see as the underlying reasons for the current crisis between Ukraine, Transdniestria and Moldova? <\/p>\n

Stewart: <\/strong>Moldova had approached Ukraine in the past for assistance in enforcing Moldovan regulations on goods moving across the border between Ukraine and the Transdniestrian region of Moldova. While agreements were announced, the Ukrainians ultimately failed to carry through with their commitments. But at the end of last year the Moldovans and the Ukrainians reached a new such agreement that closely coincided with the inauguration of the European Union’s border assistance project to encourage the enforcement of customs controls on the Moldo-Ukrainian border. There seemed to be some hiccups in the implementation of that latest agreement as well. But finally the Ukrainians made clear that they were going to abide by it. And that decision led to the current “crisis,” if you wish to call it that. <\/p>\n

The Moldovans have made clear that the new customs regime is not a blockade, for they are prepared to register any legitimate Transdniestrian firm and provide that firm with the necessary stamps that would allow the company’s exports to move across the Ukrainian border. The Moldovans are not trying to exact financial advantage from this operation as Transdniestrian firms have been exempted from Moldovan taxes and duties on their shipments. However, the Transdniestrian regime saw the new regulations– quite correctly, I suspect–as one step on a very slippery slope that would lead to the abrogation of their own authority; if the Moldovan government’s stamps are required for foreign trade, then Chisinau’s approval could become necessary for other activities as well. Consequently, Smirnov and his regime instituted what the Moldovans have called an “auto-blockade,” forbidding goods to come in and out of Transnistria. Because if any goods did enter or leave, they would have to clear Moldovan customs. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>In your judgment, what are some possible outcomes of the crisis? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> The Ukrainian actions have received strong support from the United States and the European Union. On the other hand, the Russian Federation and a number of commentators in Moscow have sided with the Transdniestrian regime and have, I would assume, been putting pressure on the Ukrainians to back away from the enforcement of their agreement with the Moldovans. The Yushchenko government in Kyiv thus far has held quite firm; the real question now is what’s going to happen in the Ukrainian elections. If there is a change in government, will Ukraine stand by the agreement? That remains to be seen. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>Do you believe the Moldovan government would be willing to make any concessions in the dispute? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> There’s little or nothing that the Moldovan government could offer in the way of concessions that hasn’t already been put in place. The Moldovans have made clear that they’re not going to seek financial advantage from the new arrangement; what they’re trying to establish is a point of principle. I can’t really see them backing off that point of principle, which is, of course, what has Smirnov and his regime so upset. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>To what extent is the Transdniestria conflict similar to or different from other conflicts in the former Soviet Union; take Abkhazia and South Ossetia, for example? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> The main similarity is certainly that Moscow is supporting all three of these would-be statelets. The major difference is that Abkhazia and South Ossetia border on the Russian Federation while Transdniestria does not. Threrefore, Ukrainian cooperation is necessary for Transdniestria’s survival. And this of course raises the question why the Ukrainians had previously been so hesitant to side with the Moldovans in putting pressure on the Transdniestrian regime. Why would Ukrainians want an outpost of the Russian Federation occupied by Russian troops on its southern border? <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>Why do you think that might be? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> There are all sorts of explanations that one can come up with, but I can think of no geopolitical reason other than heavy pressure from the Russians, who could threaten sanctions through reductions in, or higher prices for, Russia’s energy exports to Ukraine. Beyond geopolitics the question of personal agendas has to be considered: were there people in power in Ukraine in the past, when earlier agreements abrogated, who were benefiting financially from the continuing existence of Transdniestria? <\/p>\n

________
\nAmbassador Stewart’s views are entirely his own and should under no circumstances be construed as representing the positions of the U.S. Department of State or any other department or agency of the U.S. government.
\n________<\/p>\n

Reprinted with the permission of the Washington Profile (www.washprofile.org) <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Reading Time: <\/span> 3<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>Moldova had approached Ukraine in the past for assistance in enforcing Moldovan regulations on goods moving across the border between Ukraine and the Transdniestrian region of Moldova. While agreement<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-100745","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politics"],"content_social_share":"Reading Time: <\/span> 3<\/span> minutes<\/span><\/span>

\nThe Washington Profile’s interview with John Todd Stewart, former U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova, 1995-1998 <\/p>\n

March 23, 2006<\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>What do you see as the underlying reasons for the current crisis between Ukraine, Transdniestria and Moldova? <\/p>\n

Stewart: <\/strong>Moldova had approached Ukraine in the past for assistance in enforcing Moldovan regulations on goods moving across the border between Ukraine and the Transdniestrian region of Moldova. While agreements were announced, the Ukrainians ultimately failed to carry through with their commitments. But at the end of last year the Moldovans and the Ukrainians reached a new such agreement that closely coincided with the inauguration of the European Union’s border assistance project to encourage the enforcement of customs controls on the Moldo-Ukrainian border. There seemed to be some hiccups in the implementation of that latest agreement as well. But finally the Ukrainians made clear that they were going to abide by it. And that decision led to the current “crisis,” if you wish to call it that. <\/p>\n

The Moldovans have made clear that the new customs regime is not a blockade, for they are prepared to register any legitimate Transdniestrian firm and provide that firm with the necessary stamps that would allow the company’s exports to move across the Ukrainian border. The Moldovans are not trying to exact financial advantage from this operation as Transdniestrian firms have been exempted from Moldovan taxes and duties on their shipments. However, the Transdniestrian regime saw the new regulations– quite correctly, I suspect–as one step on a very slippery slope that would lead to the abrogation of their own authority; if the Moldovan government’s stamps are required for foreign trade, then Chisinau’s approval could become necessary for other activities as well. Consequently, Smirnov and his regime instituted what the Moldovans have called an “auto-blockade,” forbidding goods to come in and out of Transnistria. Because if any goods did enter or leave, they would have to clear Moldovan customs. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>In your judgment, what are some possible outcomes of the crisis? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> The Ukrainian actions have received strong support from the United States and the European Union. On the other hand, the Russian Federation and a number of commentators in Moscow have sided with the Transdniestrian regime and have, I would assume, been putting pressure on the Ukrainians to back away from the enforcement of their agreement with the Moldovans. The Yushchenko government in Kyiv thus far has held quite firm; the real question now is what’s going to happen in the Ukrainian elections. If there is a change in government, will Ukraine stand by the agreement? That remains to be seen. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>Do you believe the Moldovan government would be willing to make any concessions in the dispute? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> There’s little or nothing that the Moldovan government could offer in the way of concessions that hasn’t already been put in place. The Moldovans have made clear that they’re not going to seek financial advantage from the new arrangement; what they’re trying to establish is a point of principle. I can’t really see them backing off that point of principle, which is, of course, what has Smirnov and his regime so upset. <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>To what extent is the Transdniestria conflict similar to or different from other conflicts in the former Soviet Union; take Abkhazia and South Ossetia, for example? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> The main similarity is certainly that Moscow is supporting all three of these would-be statelets. The major difference is that Abkhazia and South Ossetia border on the Russian Federation while Transdniestria does not. Threrefore, Ukrainian cooperation is necessary for Transdniestria’s survival. And this of course raises the question why the Ukrainians had previously been so hesitant to side with the Moldovans in putting pressure on the Transdniestrian regime. Why would Ukrainians want an outpost of the Russian Federation occupied by Russian troops on its southern border? <\/p>\n

Washington Profile: <\/strong>Why do you think that might be? <\/p>\n

Stewart:<\/strong> There are all sorts of explanations that one can come up with, but I can think of no geopolitical reason other than heavy pressure from the Russians, who could threaten sanctions through reductions in, or higher prices for, Russia’s energy exports to Ukraine. Beyond geopolitics the question of personal agendas has to be considered: were there people in power in Ukraine in the past, when earlier agreements abrogated, who were benefiting financially from the continuing existence of Transdniestria? <\/p>\n

________
\nAmbassador Stewart’s views are entirely his own and should under no circumstances be construed as representing the positions of the U.S. Department of State or any other department or agency of the U.S. government.
\n________<\/p>\n

Reprinted with the permission of the Washington Profile (www.washprofile.org) <\/p>\n

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