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Reintegration

Moldovan Minister explains implication of Ukraine crisis on Transnistrian settlement/ FULL SPEECH

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Deputy Prime Minister of Moldova, Minister for Reintegration Eugen Carpov said in Washington, D.C. on Tuesday that Moldova currently finds itself very close to the center of a major dispute and tension between the key international players, facing a number of security challenges and experiencing ongoing political debate about the future of the country. He calls on international community to support Moldova.

Among the main issues raised by the Moldovan chief negotiator of the Transnistrian conflict settlement were the political status of the region, the presence of Russian military on the territory of Moldova as well as the current security situation in the region.

Please find below the full speech delivered by Mr. Carpov at the U.S. Helsinki Commission during a briefing called “Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014: Is Moldova Next?”

Dear colleagues,

Thank you for organizing this event. Helsinki Committee continues to serve as perfect platform for transatlantic dialogue on important issues where US and Europe have mutual and shared interests. I know the Committee hosted briefings on Moldova previously and we very much appreciate this opportunity to discuss situation in my country and in the region.

Today’s event has quite a provocative title – so at this session we will share our thoughts on the situation in Moldova and in our region – and I hope this will be helpful to you to understand better what is going on in our part of the world and what are the perspectives.

Since I am dealing in the Government of the Republic of Moldova with the resolution of the Transnsitrian conflict – it will represent major part of my remarks. First of all, let me set the parameters of the issue we are discussing:

– Transnsitrian conflict has at its basis mainly a political dispute, it does not have ethnic or religious background.

– The situation in the conflict area is generally peaceful. There were no military hostilities between sides since 1992. Certain tensions or incidents appear from time to time but they have no direct military character and involve mainly law-enforcement bodies.

– The dialogue on conflict settlement process is taking place through a number of channels. The most known is the 5+2 negotiations format where the Moldova and the Transnistrian region are the sides, OSCE, Russia and Ukraine are mediators, and US and EU are observers. We have also meetings of the political representatives of the sides – the chief-negotiators. In parallel senior experts and decision-makers from various authorities (economy, transportation, law-enforcement, education etc) are meeting on in the working groups.

The meetings in the 5+2 format, between the chief-negotiators and in working groups are taking place with certain regularity. There are contacts on higher political level as well. From our side this is the Prime-minister, and from the Transnistrian side – is the leader of the region’s administration. These meetings are taking place with different intensity – depending on the situation.

– The key unresolved issue of the conflict settlement is what status should the Transnitrian region have within Moldova. As you know this region is recognized by all international actors as part of the Republic of Moldova. All international players involved in the conflict resolution have committed to assist in resolving the Transnistrian conflict on the basis of respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova and providing the Transnsitrian region with a special status.

Where the conflict settlement stands now?

– Current situation in the Transnistrian conflict settlement process can be characterized as stalemate in terms of the moving towards political settlement of the conflict. Regretfully the trust and confidence between sides has been undermined by increasing negative rhetoric and unilateral actions which run against the ongoing negotiations process.

Political aspects. The strategic goal of the Republic of Moldova is to achieve lasting political settlement of the conflict based on the respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova. The Transnistrian region should have a special status within the reintegrated country. Such a status would enable the administration of Transnistrian region with sufficient level of competences to enjoy large autonomy within Moldova. The political solution to the conflict should ensure an effective and ballanced decision-making mechanism. The European vector of the development of Moldova after reintegration should also be preserved.

– Currently, Tiraspol refuses to talk in the 5+2 negotiations on political and security issues. Russia fully supports this approach. Instead, Tiraspol is promoting outside of the political negotiations the so-called concept of “civilized divorce” as well as recently has made an address to the Russian Federation to be recognized as an independent state.

– Our position with regard to these steps is clear – the demands of the Transnistrian region are based on illusions and have no real perspectives. The Transnistrian region is recognized by all as part of the Republic of Moldova and any request for international recognition contradicts the international law and principles of the conflict resolution process. On official level – all international partners which are participating in the negotiation process are unanimously supporting a peaceful solution based on the principles that I outlined earlier – respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity of Moldova and special status for the Transnistrian region within the Republic of Moldova. Basically these principles are stipulated in the OSCE ministerial statements on the Transnistrian conflict adopted at the meetings of the OSCE Council of Ministers in Dublin (2012) and Kiev (2013). At the same time we keep reiterating that real actions of the international partners should be in line with their official positions. This is not always the case.

– While the political process is stagnating the efforts are concentrated on tackle technical issues. Why we are dealing with them? Lack of an agreed political and legal status of the Transnistrian led to the situation that population and business community are confronting with various problems in daily life. Currently we are trying to resolve certain issues related to transportation, education, freedom of movement of population and goods between the Transnistrian region and the rest of Moldova.

– But even in technical issues the room for maneuver is limited due to difference in approaches. Chisinau is promoting proposals based on the idea of rapprochement between sides, while Tiraspol is insisting on further separation. For example – when we are talking about use radio-frequencies, or access of the Transnsitrian companies to international transportation corridors – our view is that solutions should be based on or at least not contradict the international commitments that Moldova has undertaken. Also such solutions should not lead to further separation. So we are a bit in a vicious circle here.

– In 2013 we managed to find agreement on a few issues related to ecology, pensions, dismantling of some old and dangerous infrastructure objects some aspects of freedom of movement. These are positive developments but to move ahead – the conflict resolution process needs more comprehensive forward-looking decisions.

– There are a number of issues that could generate tensions. I will go briefly just to list them. A general point that I would like to make is that since the end of the last year we feel increased pressure on every element of the Moldovan presence in the Transnsitrian region. This is the case of Moldovan Latin-script schools, case of access of Moldovan farmers to their lands on Transnistria-controlled territory, case of the Moldovan police and two penitentiaries located in the Bender town. The line that we observe in each case is that Transnistrian side tries by various means to impose their rules or take under their control institutions subordinated to Moldova or apply pressure on people working in these institutions.

– Security situation in the region remains under our constant monitoring. In the last period of time we observe that Transnistrian side is taking action aimed at consolidation of its infrastructure at the administrative boundary line. The risk of increase of the presence of the Transnistrian military and security structures above notified limits also remain real. The deployment of military observers of the peacekeeping mechanism whose main function is to monitor the situation is frequently blocked – because its matter of consensus decision by all parties to the peacekeeping mechanism. The main supervisory body in the Security Zone – the Joint Control Commission in many cases does not have a clear assessment of the situation. So, all in all – there is a number of vulnerabilities that could turn into security challenges if there will be such an intention.

– Russian military presence in Moldova – remains factor of our concern. Our longstanding position has not changed – we call for finalization, without any precondition, of the withdrawal of ammunition stockpiles from Cobasna and remaining Russian forces in accordance with the relevant international commitments. We also consider that efforts towards modernization or build-up of this military presence would not contribute to security in the region and, therefore, are not welcomed.

– Let me sum up the approach of the Republic of Moldova. We put main focus on peaceful political dialogue. We will keep all channels of dialogue with Transnistria open to prevent unilateral steps and deterioration of situation. We will demonstrate a calm approach and avoid involvement in any provocation. Prime-minister Iurie Leanca is ready to meet with Shevchuk without any preconditions. We also continue the dialogue at the level of chief-negotiators and working groups.

– Our short and medium term goals are the following:
• maintain stability in the Security Zone
• resolve issues like Moldovan Latin-script schools or access to farmer’s lands without tensions,
• discourage pressure applied on police and penitentiaries in Bender.
• Keep dialogue ongoing at all levels and try to achieve progress in other areas to create positive dynamics;
• Maintain close contacts with all international partners involved in the settlement process and encourage their join actions,
• Move forward with the 5+2 negotiations.

Situation in Ukraine and implications for the Transnistrian settlement

Let me make a couple of remarks on the implications of the situation in Ukraine on the Transnistrian settlement process.

– First of all, as a neighboring country and as friendly nation to Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova is very much concerned about what is going on there. We condemned the so called referendum in Crimea and did not recognize the further annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. We consider it as a major challenge to the international law, political cooperation and security architecture in Europe. We are also very worried about spreading violence in East and South of Ukraine, in particular in the Odessa region.

– We consider that all efforts should be focused now on finding a peaceful solution that would preserve sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Ukraine. Nation-wide dialogue between all political players that are acting in the legal and constitutional framework of Ukraine is needed.

– We continue to believe that the way towards de-escalation should be found jointly – by Ukrainian Government in cooperation with all international actors that could influence the situation on the ground. International engagements such as the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine, transparency mechanisms of the Vienna Document on CSBM and other tools should be applied to their full capacity.

– The crisis in and around Ukraine led to a major information and diplomatic confrontation between main actors on the international arena. Tough debates are taking place in the UN, OSCE and other international organizations. Such a tensed atmosphere in the international relations is not contributing to advance the conflict resolution process.

– One of the trends which has become visible in the context of the situation in Ukraine – it is a intensified propaganda regarding the fact that the Transnistrian region is under “blockade”. Tiraspol tries to prove it by saying that the crossing points on the border are empty and the flow of goods and people has decreased. Another element is that the Russian citizen are almost prohibited to enter Ukraine through Transnistrian segment of the Moldovan-Ukrainian border. The reality is that the movement of persons had decreased due to objective reasons related to people’s safety. Despite the increased control measures by Ukrainian authorities on this segment, available data show that the refusal ratio of foreign citizen entering Ukraine remains extremely low (about 1 % of total entries). Concerning goods – the available statistics from both Tiraspol and Chisinau show that the foreign trade operations, in particular exports from the Transnistrian region, continue to register positive dynamics. There was no disruption in cargo traffic. Moreover, in April this year, the Moldovan Parliament canceled a number of taxes previously applied on the Transnistrian companies. All these facts clearly demonstrate that the rhetoric about “blockade” is not proved by facts.

Let me also add a few more points about the political context in which Moldova lives these days.

First of all we are approaching a breakthrough in our relation with EU. Recently Moldova was granted a visa-free travel regime in Schengen area for short-time trips. This was a result of major efforts undertaken by all national authorities in law-enforcement, human rights, document security areas. In June we are planning to sign the Association Agreement with EU. This event will mark the irreversible character of our European path.

At the same time we face some counter-action to European integration. I’ll just exemplify it by recent developments in the southern parts of the country – namely the Gagauzia autonomous unit. We feel that skeptical mood towards European integration is being warmed up in this region. The Government of Moldova is committed to dialogue and we are already taking action to explain better our policies and perspectives. The Parliament has also formed a special group for dialogue with the legislative body of Gagauzia. So we are intensifying our dialogue with Gagauzia.

And the last point are the upcoming parliamentary elections in late November this year. We anticipate quite a tough competition between the governing parties and opposition. In recent years elections in Moldova have quite a visible geopolitical dimension and we expect it to be so in current year.

Summing up – I would say that these days Moldova finds itself at a crucial moment in its history, being geographically very close to the center of major dispute and tension between the key international players, facing a number of security challenges and experiencing ongoing political debate about the future of the country. This is time to support Moldova and we thank again the Helsinki Committee for this opportunity to present our story.

Thank you!

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Politics

Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria

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The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.

In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.

“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”

“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”

The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.

They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur  to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.

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The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.

The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”

Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”

Photo: peacekeeping.un.org

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Elections

Russia’s legislative elections: Why are there 27 polling stations in Transnistria?

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Legislative elections are currently being held in Russia between September 17-19, as 450 new members in the State Duma need to be elected.

The Central Election Commission (CEC) of the Russian Federation decided to open a record number of polling stations in the Transnistrian region – 27 polling stations, in addition to only 3 polling station opened on the right bank of the Dniester in such big cities as Chisinau, Comrat and Balti.

That is the largest number of polling stations opened by the Russian CEC in a foreign country, and five polling stations more than in the 2016 elections. Two of the polling stations were established in Tiraspol, being open from Friday to Sunday. The rest of the Russian polling stations on the Transnistrian territory are opened on Sunday only. The most astonishing fact is that no state other than Russia has ever opened polling stations in the separatist region of the Republic of Moldova. Actually, no polling stations are being opened on the Transnistrian territory when it comes to national elections of the Republic of Moldova either.

Therefore, one could say that the stakes are high when it comes to Transnistrian voters, especially since, most likely, the hopes of Russian authorities are not necessarily based on a large turnout and their real support, rather on the real possibility of electoral fraud on a territory that is not controlled by the constitutional authorities in Chisinau.

Before the presidential elections in 2018, Russian authorities announced that there are 220 thousand Russian citizens living in the Transnistrian region. That time, 24 polling stations were opened in the separatist area. Despite the fact that the Tiraspol Electoral Commission announced that, in the last year and a half alone, the voter turnout has officially fallen in the region by more than 7 700 people, the Russian CEC still decided to establish a record number of polling stations this year, which strengthened the argument about the possibility of election fraud.

Both Tiraspol’s administration and the regional media campaigned for the ruling political party United Russia and called for a high turnout at polling stations. Transnistria’s leader, Vadim Krasnoselski, urged the people on the left bank of the Dniester to come to the polls “because despite all the difficulties, Russia does not forget Transnistria and helps it as much as possible.”

It seems that the campaigning, along with the Russian sponsorship in the region, show great results during every election ballot, as Russian citizens voting in Russian elections in Transnistria are a more active electorate than Moldovan citizens residing in Transnistria and voting in the Moldovan elections at the polling stations arranged on the other bank of the Dniester, especially for them. In the previous Russia’s legislative elections, 56 thousand people voted in Transnistria, while just under 29 thousand inhabitants of the Transnistrian region voted in the recent Moldova’s parliamentary elections.

Before every election ballot held in the Russian Federation, Moldovan authorities make statements, suggesting the Russian side to abstain from opening polling stations in Transnistria, whereas Russian authorities ignore them every time.

This year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of the Republic of Moldova also sent a note of protest against opening the polling stations in Transnistria. “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration regrets that, despite the position consistently expressed by the Moldovan authorities, the Russian side acted in a manner that does not correspond to the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova and the bilateral legal framework.”

The Ministry representatives noted that Russian authorities were informed of the lack of impediments to open polling stations in localities under the control of Moldova’s constitutional authorities and requested the Russian side to refrain from opening the 27 polling stations in the localities of the breakaway region, given the impossibility of ensuring the necessary security conditions for the current elections.

Moscow’s Central Election Commission also opened nine polling stations in Abkhazia and ten in South Ossetia – two disputed territories that were internationally recognised by Russia and a few more countries, while considered under military occupation, according to the Georgian Government. These lands, that are under the exclusive control of Russia, offer good opportunities to ‘correct’ any uncomfortable results obtained in the country, where the ruling political party no longer enjoys as much support as it wants to appear.

Photo: wjct.org

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Education

Romanian language schools in the Transnistrian region – a delayed and unresolved problem

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Education institutions in the Transnistrian region resumed their activities on September 1, just as the schools throughout the entire territory of the Republic of Moldova. Once a new academic year began, the old and postponed for 30 years problems of the region came to light again.

There are 8 schools with teaching in Romanian on the Transnistrian territory (5 high schools, 2 secondary schools and a boarding school) that have been persecuted, limited and discriminated since the 90s, when Romanian was declared the official language of the independent Republic of Moldova. Nowadays, the education institutions “face numerous pressures and intimidations from the Tiraspol administration,” Promo-LEX Association alerted.

Such issues as lack of own buildings, the existing ones being not adapted to the education process, the risk of students’ enlisting in the region’s army, and challenges to ensure the free movement of persons and goods are some of the main problems encountered by the Transnistrian schools that teach in Romanian.

Administration of such schools told about the challenges with fighting for the rented space at the beginning of every academic year. Even though buildings get prepared for the education process, rents are paid from the Moldovan Government budget, being ready to receive students in time, Tiraspol authorities still create artificial troubles that put the schools’ activity on hold. For example, a compulsory registration on a Transnistrian online platform is required – an operation that would allow the institutions from Transnistria to bring goods from the right bank of the Dniester or refuel the school buses at gas station located outside the region.

“We are like an exchange currency,” claimed Raisa Padureanu, Deputy Director of Education at “Lucian Blaga” High School in Tiraspol, referring to every conflict situation between Chisinau and Tiraspol. The education institution operates using the study programs developed by the Ministry of Education in Chisinau in order to facilitate the diplomasacknowledgement by the Moldovan authorities. That, on the other hand, complicates the registration process on Transnistrian platforms.

This September, the Transnistrian militia supervised the gatherings on the occasion of celebrating the beginning of the academic year at 2 schools. Moreover, one case of prohibiting to sing the anthem of the Republic of Moldova and to hoist the state flag was registered.

Some students have to go long distances in order to arrive at school, busses not being provided. Promo-LEX Association reported the problem as violation of the right to free movement and education of children on the left bank of the Dniester.

In such cases, the Bureau for Reintegration Policies and the OSCE representatives are contacted for help, informing the mediators and observers of the 5 + 2 negotiation format as well. Officials’ intervention unlocks the educational process for the moment. The issue remains unsolved in the long rung though, as Tiraspol authorities insist on imposing their own rules, remaining a separate region with a unsettled status.

See also: Good laws, bad implementation? What stands in the way of vaccinating education system employees?

Photo: moldova.org

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